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		<title>What’s Behind the German Public&#8217;s Mistrust Against Turkey?</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/whats-behind-the-german-publics-mistrust-against-turkey/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 11 Apr 2018 01:35:43 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Column]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Turkey]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Germany]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ARD]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Germany-Turkey Relations]]></category>
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<p>According to a recent survey conducted for the German public channel ARD, Germans don’t trust Turkey, while France is the most trustworthy partner.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/whats-behind-the-german-publics-mistrust-against-turkey/">What’s Behind the German Public&#8217;s Mistrust Against Turkey?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">A</span>ccording to a recent survey conducted for the German public channel ARD, Germans don’t trust Turkey, while France is the most trustworthy partner. Even though the feeling of trust against Turkey, as a partner, increased in contrast to July 2017 by 2 points, <a href="https://www.tagesschau.de/inland/deutschlandtrend-1199.pdf">only 5 percent</a> of people in Germany hold the opinion that Turkey is a trustworthy partner for Germany. 90 percent of the answers suggest that Turkey is not a trustworthy partner. Turkey’s trustworthiness, according to the regularly conducted survey, was about <a href="https://www.tagesschau.de/inland/deutschlandtrend-525.html">17 percent</a> in April 2016. On the other hand, 92 percent of Germans think that France can be trusted as a real partner for their country, while 28 percent trust the U.S. (67 percent mistrust) and 26 percent Russia (67 mistrust).</p>
<p>Normally, the puzzle would be why Germans don’t trust Turkey, or more interestingly, whether Turks trust Germany. However, in this case, it’s better to point out something that became more apparent in recent years.</p>
<p>With no doubt, the fact that Germans don’t trust a country to which 3 million German-Turks have important ties – be it family, emotional, economic, etc &#8211; is an interesting phenomenon. Hence, it’s strange that the presence of 3 million Turks or “people with a Turkish background” in Germany is not considered as a positive factor by the interviewees.</p>
<p>But what’s behind the phenomenon that left out positive things in assessing Turkey? It would be too unlikely to assume that people differentiate between Turks living in Germany and the country with which strong ties do exist. The potential argument according to which interviewees just limited Turkey’s trustworthiness to current bilateral or global politics and Turkey’s new political system would also be a false assumption. This is because Turks in Germany are always included into these kind of negative discourses – both led by German media and politicians – whenever a problem occurs in bilateral relations. For instance, it’s striking that the “German-ness of Turks in Germany” is occasionally casted doubt if there is some disagreement between the two countries’ political standpoints. It also seems not very sincere to permanently criticize one country’s political preferences while trusting another country with 92 percent but being collectively silent with respect to its quite controversial political system which is described as a ‘<a href="http://www.france24.com/en/20170302-french-president-power-politics-prime-minister-parliament-de-gaulle-chirac-hollande-sarkozy">republican monarchy</a>’ (<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/01/opinion/frances-republican-monarchy-when-the-president-is-treated-like-a.html">additional 1</a>&gt;; <a href="https://www.express.co.uk/news/world/921514/emmanuel-macron-french-president-dictatorship-laurent-wauquiez-france">2</a>).</p>
<p>Thus, the actual explanation why Turkey is not perceived as a trustworthy partner in the eyes of Germans may firstly have something to do with prejudices, and secondly, with rejection.</p>

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			<p>By prejudices, I mean, the general political bias in German politics and society. Due to a general and deliberate current trend in the Western world, people in Germany also increasingly prefer marginal-extreme right-wing political parties, discourses and their anti-Islamic positions. It’s not a legitimate argument to advocate radicalized positions by stressing so-called “fears” of citizens supporting populist racists. In one of the wealthiest and most “enlightened” countries in the world, it’s quite absurd to hide the seriousness of the issue behind these kinds of downplaying statements. In addition, even though the huge majority of 4,5 million Muslims and 3 million Turks living peacefully in Germany, an increasing number of politicians and (including state-funded) media outlets permanently tense the societal mood by supporting inadequate “experts” who don’t represent an average Turk. Consequently, this broadcasting preference and political atmosphere supports already existing prejudices.</p>
<p>The second problem is the rejection of people as they are. By this, I mean challenging the preferences of Turks and Muslims living in Germany and their strong ties to Turkey. Unfortunately, it seems that conservative circles and right-wing parties expect Turks to totally break ties with Turkey while calling it, e.g., integration. Even though the German constitution does not request assimilative actions, extreme positions increasingly become pushed into the political center.</p>
<p>Muslims and particularly Turks, who feel both a sense of belonging to Turkey and Germany, deny giving up their (constitutionally-protected) positions, practices, beliefs and so on. And it seems that these wrong expectations cause – due to prejudices supported by broadcasts and populist political discourses – a sentiment of doubt and rejection regarding people and to a country with which transnational ties exist.</p>
<p>Of course, surveys should not be generalized and problems have to be examined extensively. However, one must not close their eyes to prejudices or unacceptable <a href="http://www.dw.com/en/german-interior-minister-speaks-out-in-favor-of-leitkultur-for-immigrants/a-38643836">requests</a> – like accepting a superior/guiding culture (“<a href="https://thenewturkey.org/leitkultur-2-0-how-the-cdu-tries-to-recapture-lost-votes/">Leitkultur</a>”) – becoming a societal normality and consequently fostering even other international related perceptions. Due to the fact that –above all, pious – Turks in Germany are <a href="https://setav.org/en/assets/uploads/2018/03/R100_Prohibition.pdf">underrepresented in politics</a> and the media, and that there is a lack of sufficient instruments of expressing their actual positions, prejudices are getting underpinned as well. Thus, while there exists an extremely negative language in politics and media with respect to one specific societal group and its transnationally tied country, then one should not be surprised as to why the number of prejudices increases and the call for rejection gets reinforced.</p>

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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/whats-behind-the-german-publics-mistrust-against-turkey/">What’s Behind the German Public&#8217;s Mistrust Against Turkey?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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		<title>Islamophobes in Search of a New Orientalism: Samuel Schirmbeck’s “Islamic Crusade”</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/islamophobes-in-search-of-a-new-orientalism-samuel-schirmbecks-islamic-crusade/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2016 12:38:10 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Islamophobia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Finance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Muslim]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Qur'an]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ARD]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Samuel Schirmbeck]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sarazzin]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Germany]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Islam]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://politicstoday.org/islamophobes-in-search-of-a-new-orientalism-samuel-schirmbecks-islamic-crusade/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="182" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3-300x182.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3-300x182.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3-1024x622.jpg 1024w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3-768x467.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3.jpg 1168w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div>
<p>Secular, enlightened and protestantized Muslims, or activists like Tunisian Amina Tyler – who exposed her body in 2013 with the slogan "This body is mine. It is no one’s honor" – correspond with the ideal Muslim prototype in Schirmbeck's mind.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/islamophobes-in-search-of-a-new-orientalism-samuel-schirmbecks-islamic-crusade/">Islamophobes in Search of a New Orientalism: Samuel Schirmbeck’s “Islamic Crusade”</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="182" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3-300x182.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3-300x182.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3-1024x622.jpg 1024w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3-768x467.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Islamophobes_in_Search_of_a_New_Orientalism-3.jpg 1168w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div><div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div class="vc_row wpb_row vc_row-fluid"><div class="wpb_column vc_column_container vc_col-sm-8 vc_col-sm-offset-2"><div class="vc_column-inner"><div class="wpb_wrapper">    <div class="c-space  c-space--5 c-space--custom"></div>
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<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">I</span>n her book <em>Alice im Männerland: Eine Zwischenbilanz</em> (Alice in the World of Men: An Interim Balance), the most prominent feminist of Germany, Alice Schwarzer, described the Muslim headscarf as &#8220;the flag of the Islamic Crusade&#8221; in 2002. Schwarzer, who tends to deal with questions around Islam and Muslims in Germany in a prejudiced manner, was one of the first public figures to use a terminology like &#8220;Islamic Crusade&#8221; – an audacious oxymoron if one is educated in terms of the history of the crusaders and their bloodshed against Muslims. A decade later, Samuel Schirmbeck titled his book in a similar fashion: <a href="http://ofv.ch/sachbuch/detail/der-islamische-kreuzzug-und-der-ratlose-westen/102806/">“The Islamic Crusade”</a>. He proposes that the headscarf is not the only thing posing a problem to the West, but also the Quran, Muslims, and well, to keep it short, Islam in general.</p>
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</style><div class="blog-shortcode blog-masonry-shortcode-id-ff34561091f22ca86fbe845b82a79be7 mode-grid classic-layout-list jquery-filter dt-css-grid-wrap dt-icon-bg-off resize-by-browser-width loading-effect-none description-under-image " data-padding="15px" data-cur-page="1" data-post-limit="-1" data-pagination-mode="none" data-desktop-columns-num="4" data-v-tablet-columns-num="2" data-h-tablet-columns-num="4" data-phone-columns-num="1" data-width="0px" data-columns="0"><div class="dt-css-grid" ><div class="visible wf-cell" data-post-id="30585" data-date="2026-08-20T10:49:53+03:00" data-name="Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria"><article class="post project-odd visible post-30585 type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-security category-news category-turkey category-middle-east tag-turkey tag-syria tag-israel pt_topic-foreign-fighters pt_topic-global-economy category-34 category-1 category-4 category-23 description-off" data-name="Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria" data-date="2026-08-20T10:49:53+03:00">

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			<article class="col-xs-12 col-md-11">In the 1990s, Schirmbeck was a journalist in Algiers and worked for Germany’s public broadcasting channel ARD, which seems to give him the authority, or <em>ijaza</em>, as he likes to use Arabic vocabulary in his book, to speak as an expert on Islam. With this use of specific vocabulary he tries to legitimize his arguments about Islam from a sociological, historical, philosophical, or even a hermeneutical Quranic perspective. According to his reference point– liberal and secular Muslims from Morocco and Algeria, who according to him seem to be the only decent Muslims existing – he offers his readers categorical solutions to deal with the problem of Islam and Muslims in the West. The answer is difficult and simple at the same time: reforming Islam (or &#8220;a superior humanistic principle&#8221;, as he calls it) and allowing criticism of Islam. In the spirit of Ayan Hirsi Ali, he addresses his recommendations or demands towards Muslims and their misguided liberal leftist allies.<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="aligncenter" src="http://thenewturkey.org//paketler/ckfinder/dosyalar/images/Samuel%20Schirmbeck.jpg" alt="" width="277" height="434">According to the author, there is a major threat looming for Europe and the ideas of liberalism, freedom and the public space. But what exactly is it and what should be targeted? A faith or an ideology? Believers or terrorists? Islam or terror? Typically for Schirmbeck, the answers are vague, especially for someone who studied Critical Theory at the Frankfurt School, which produced pioneers of Critical Theory such as Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer. The list of problematic imprecise characterizations of the key issue in Schirmbeck’s book includes &#8220;today’s Islam&#8221; (p. 10), &#8220;Islamic terrorism&#8221; (p. 13), &#8220;fundamentalism&#8221; (p. 15), &#8220;the regular Islam&#8221; (p. 24) or simply &#8220;Islam&#8221; (p. 48). The Islamic Crusade suddenly becomes a &#8220;Wahhabi Crusade&#8221; (p. 28) so that the author undermines the principle of <em>Deutsche Gründlichkeit</em> (German thoroughness), as well as philosophical accuracy. If one wants to continue without losing the author, he or she should accept that there is a problem with Islam, bottom line. So what is to be done about it? (1) Hermeneutics instead of literal understanding, (2) the abandonment of a distinction between believers and non-believers according to the Quran, and (3) the acceptance of the idea that Islam and Islamism are undoubtedly connected with each other.</p>
<p>The instruments for accomplishing these goals are clear as well: taking the <em>Mutazila</em> – a speculative school of thought in early Islam – as the model as well as the preference of <em>ijtihad </em>instead of <em>jihad</em>. For attaining these goals, Islamic associations in Germany and liberal leftists or the 1968’ generation seem to be the biggest obstacles. Accusations of Islamophobic rhetoric are to be dismissed as simply a clever strategy to undermine, or hide, Islam’s true nature: a source for violence against women, homosexuals, and members of other faiths and non-believers.</p>
<p>His request that Muslim organizations should distance themselves from violence and terror, and should reform mosques, as well as the position of women within the religious tradition is also not very innovative. Just as radical Muslim voices purport to know what the &#8220;only one, true Islam&#8221; in reality is, so does Schirmbeck. Secular, enlightened and protestantized Muslims, or activists like Tunisian Amina Tyler – who exposed her body in 2013 with the slogan &#8220;This body is mine. It is no one’s honor&#8221; – correspond with the ideal Muslim prototype in Schirmbeck&#8217;s mind.</p>
<p>Or take the ones in chapter nine, in which Moroccans publicly state their un-Islamic lifestyle. Ironically, the German social scientist Necla Kelek is listed as one of the precious critical Muslims, though she has publicly declared she has no bond with Islam, but rather feels peace when she is at a church. When it comes to his authenticity and significance for matters on Islam, his descriptive experiences in Algeria, friendship with people from Muslim-dominated countries, as well as his interpretation of several verses from the Quran seem to legitimize and declare him as an authority, a common delusion found in biased interpretations.</p>
<p>There are several problems with this book, besides the ones already mentioned. Tone, methods, premises and conclusions seem to have no objective observation in the first place. One example would be his claim that the media and political parties in Germany do not discuss the problems around Islam and rather rely on topics like Islamophobia. Even if he has sincere advice for Muslims, which is hard to believe, Schirmbeck’s book is not helpful in any way, shape or form to lead to a constructive debate about faith, identity, immigration, violence etc.</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="size-medium wp-image-9969 alignleft" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Schirmbeck-300x245.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="245"></p>
<p>When Al Qaida, Boko Haram, or Daesh are mentioned in the same line with all (conservative) Muslim associations in Germany, the ground for a rational debate is lost completely. For Schirmbeck, the link between Islam, backwardness and terror is obvious. Claims for the right to wear headscarves for teachers, or praying rooms at universities for students, are in the same category as the brutal beheadings of Daesh, all part of this &#8220;Islamic Crusade&#8221;. This type of declaration would be considered as hate speech in many modern legal interpretations. There are several anti-Islamic and xenophobic books in Germany in the spirit of Pamela Geller or Robert Spencer, which are distributed commonly by alternative publishing houses. But this book, unfortunately, finds its place in mainstream book stores, as did Thilo Sarazzin’s bestseller <em>Deutschland schafft sich ab</em> (Germany is abolishing itself) in 2010. The book is also featured on mainstream websites such as <em>Deutschlandfunk</em>, where it is described as being an “exciting book”.</p>
<p>But maybe one has to be fair and say Schirmbeck has just caught the <em>Zeitgeist </em>of a growing, presentable racist and Islamophobic attitude in the West. Islam is probably the only world religion which constantly faces accusations (like the ones presented in the book) which is considered part of free, and even progressive speech. To be specific, as Schirmbeck is in terms of Islam, it is not an exaggeration to say that produced a poorly-written book in the spirit of Eurocentrism and racist orientalism.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/islamophobes-in-search-of-a-new-orientalism-samuel-schirmbecks-islamic-crusade/">Islamophobes in Search of a New Orientalism: Samuel Schirmbeck’s “Islamic Crusade”</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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