Mamdani’s Victory and the Future of U.S. Politics

November 5, 2025

Mamdani embodies a potential that could influence the future of U.S. politics through the politics he represents, the discourse he employs, and the campaign strategy he implements.
Zohran Mamdani, the mayor-elect of New York City, addressed his supporters after the historic mayoral election victory on Tuesday night, November 4, 2025, in New York City, United States. Photo by Anadolu Images.

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f we were to travel back in time to the day Zohran Mamdani announced his candidacy for mayor of New York City, even a large segment of Democratic voters would not have believed he could actually win. Yet, within a year, Mamdani managed to turn that perception completely upside down through a carefully planned strategy and a remarkably strong performance.

However, Mamdani’s success is not merely a matter of local politics. The fact that we are discussing the NYC mayoral election here in Turkey is the clearest sign of this. Mamdani embodies a potential that could influence the future of U.S. politics through the politics he represents, the discourse he employs, and the campaign strategy he implements. This potential is tied directly to the transformation of American politics and the rise of left-populism.

Populism vs. traditional centrist politics

It is now clear that the rise of populism, both globally and in the United States, is linked to the failure of traditional centrist politics rooted in liberal democratic systems to fulfill their political, economic, and social promises to individuals. The resulting dissatisfaction naturally generated its own alternatives, and populism—both as a movement and as a set of actors—has become the bane of liberal democracies. Although anti-elitism and anti-establishment sentiments are common worldwide, the specifics of what is considered “anti” vary depending on culture, values, ideology, and economic priorities.

Although populism in the American context has become synonymous with Trump, it is increasingly evident that populism represents a deeper social current with a more profound political expression, as seen in the MAGA movement and Mamdani’s victory. Traditional centrist figures, rhetoric, and policies are insufficient to persuade individuals; they only further energize the populist spectrum.

A populist movement that goes beyond Trump is already reshaping Republican elites on the American right. Similarly, on the left, a populist current has taken root, first under Bernie Sanders and later through figures like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, despite being defined as “democratic socialist” or “progressive.”

In short, populist politics has begun to occupy the space once held by traditional centrist politics on both the right and left. Political competition is no longer primarily between centrist parties, but rather among anti-establishment populist actors.

Mamdani and left populism

On the other hand, Mamdani’s election could trigger a major transformation within the Democratic Party itself. The party’s traditional liberals were unable to mount an effective response to Trump’s identity- and value-based populist politics. Despite Trump’s many mistakes and heavy negative baggage, his populist appeal proved too strong for them to overcome.

Mamdani and Cuomo’s rivalry was built entirely upon this divide. Although he is progressive and liberal, Cuomo—because of his profile, rhetoric, and political stance—embodies the image of an elite establishment figure who is detached from the real problems of ordinary people. Thus, he was outdated and out of touch.

Mamdani, on the other hand, adopted a new, distinctly anti-establishment approach that contradicted the Democratic Party’s traditional elites and pursued an openly left-populist strategy. He emphasized fundamental, class-based issues such as economic hardship, rent, and healthcare. He spoke directly to the lower and middle classes—to subway riders, tenants evading landlords due to lack of rent, and workers bullied by employers.

He made populist promises. Moreover, his ethnic and religious background gave him a natural advantage in connecting with “non-white” individuals who felt socially and politically marginalized. He accomplished this through street politics, face-to-face communication, social media engagement, and, at times, intentionally raw and unpolished methods.

Ultimately, he successfully positioned himself as the genuine representative of the socially and economically excluded. In essence, he applied “Populism 101″—and won.

Right populism vs. left populism

In light of these developments, the transformation within the Democratic Party may manifest as an empowerment of populism and populist figures. Mamdani’s success bolsters the idea that left populism could solve the Democratic Party’s long-standing inability to produce a “new figure, new rhetoric, and new story” since Obama. His case partially confirms that left populism can effectively persuade the party’s traditional base first, then the younger generation, and finally, broader segments of society.

However, the key question lies with the Republicans: After Trump, the party may struggle to find a right-populist figure capable of persuading MAGA supporters and the wider conservative base, even rhetorically. Their ability to counter the economic critiques and promises of left populism with identity-based populism—to convince voters that identity issues matter more than economic ones or to highlight economic issues themselves—will determine their future success.

Therefore, it can be said that the defining feature of U.S. politics in the coming period will be the struggle between right-wing and left-wing populism. Mamdani, a Muslim, immigrant, anti-Zionist leftist, has achieved success through left populism by positioning himself as the near-perfect antithesis of traditional politics and the establishment. Given the success of right-wing populism, the Democratic Party may seek its elusive “magic formula” in this arena. The current zeitgeist compels American politics to place populism at its center.

Baki Laleoğlu: Editorial Director at National Intelligence Academy-Türkiye. His research interests include comparative politics, populism, xenophobia, and Turkish politics.