African Agency in the Niger Coup
“For more than 13 years the Nigerien people have suffered injustice” and that the military in Niger “will get us out of this, God willing… they will free the Nigerien people,” a pro-coup supporter said.
Supporters of the military administration in Niger storm French military air base as they demand French soldiers to leave the country in Niamey, Niger on August 27, 2023. On Aug. 25, Niger’s military administration gave the French Ambassador Sylvain Itte 48 hours to leave the country, accusing him of refusing to respond to an invitation to meet Niger's foreign minister. Photo by Anadolu Images.
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ince 2020, the Sahel region has witnessed a significant number of military coups with various political implications at the regional and global levels. Tunç Demirtaş, a researcher at the Ankara-based think tank SETA, attributed the regular occurrence of military coups in the Sahel to regional dynamics. Demirtaş argues that regional dynamics such as terrorism, insurgency, inequitable income distribution, poor governance, security issues, and anti-French sentiment stemming from the colonial past were the main factors behind the recent military coups in Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Chad. Building on this, he claims that security gaps in particular disrupt processes of democratic institutionalization and lead to military coups.
As a landlocked country in the Sahel with a population of about 26 million, Niger was also subject to the aforementioned dynamics that paved the way for military coups. Niger is a former French colony: it became a French overseas territory in 1946 and gained independence in 1960. Since then, the country has experienced a total of four coups.
Before the most recent military coup in 2023, Niger’s government was aligned with the U.S.- and French-backed counter-insurgency efforts in the Sahel. Recent military coups in Mali and Burkina Faso ended the longstanding French military presence in the Sahel, with the exception of Niger. This was largely due to the anti-French rhetoric used by military regimes to legitimize their rule and consolidate popular support.
The 2023 coup in Niger
On July 26, 2023, the military in Niger led by General Abdourahmane Tchiani staged a successful coup d’état in Niger, overthrowing President Mohamed Bazoum, who is under house arrest. The military cited poor governance and lack of security in the country as the reasons for the coup.
Niger’s army spokesman, Amadou Abdramane, announced on national television that the country’s borders had been closed, a nationwide curfew had been imposed, and political institutions had been suspended until further notice.
On July 27, the Nigerien army declared that it would support the coup to avoid a “murderous confrontation” that could potentially turn into a “bloodbath.”
On July 28, General Tchiani proclaimed himself head of state.
Ousted President Bazoum wrote on X, formerly known as Twitter, that “hard-won gains will be safeguarded” and that “all Nigeriens who love democracy and freedom would want this.” This was Bazoum’s first communication since the military coup. Bazoum’s foreign minister, Hassoumi Massoudou, also wrote on X, calling on “democrats and patriots” to make this “dangerous adventure” fail.
Nigeriens rally in support of the coup
Following the military coup, pro-coup Nigeriens gathered in the Nigerien capital Niamey in support of the ruling military junta. They ransacked and set fire to the headquarters of Bazoum’s Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism.
On August 3, Niger’s Independence Day, pro-coup Nigeriens celebrated the military coup by waving Nigerien flags and chanting anti-French slogans. Pro-coup protesters also burned French flags and threw stones at the French embassy in the capital. Some of the pro-coup Nigeriens were even heard shouting “Down with France.”
A Nigerien pro-coup supporter named Moctar Abdou Issa told AP News that “for more than 13 years the Nigerien people have suffered injustice” and that the military in Niger “will get us out of this, God willing… they will free the Nigerien people.” He added, “We are sick of the French,” highlighting the growing anti-French sentiments among the African people resulting from France’s colonial past and the rise of African agency in global politics.
Conversely, Nigeriens opposed to the unconstitutional seizure of power also staged anti-coup protests, some of which were severely repressed by the military. The youth organization of the Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS-Tarayya) stated, “As time goes by, we realize that the situation is more serious than a simple mutiny and that it is nothing less than a well-planned attempt to destabilize the institutions.” In its statement, the youth wing of the PNDS-Tarayya called on young people “to stand together in defense of the Republic and democratic institutions.”
How did Africa respond to the coup d’état?
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), backed by the U.S. and France, held a summit three days after the military coup in Niger. ECOWAS condemned the coup and called for the restoration of constitutional order and the unconditional release and reinstatement of President Bazoum. It used the rhetoric of military intervention if the ruling military regime didn’t meet the conditions for a return to constitutional order and the reinstatement of President Bazoum, setting a deadline for August 6, 2023.
Following the expiry of the ECOWAS ultimatum, ECOWAS did not launch a military intervention. However, it ordered the activation of its standby force on August 10. In its statement, ECOWAS pointed out that all options, including the “use of force,” were on the table to restore constitutional order in Niger. On August 18, ECOWAS announced that it set an undisclosed D-day for the military intervention to restore constitutional order in Niger. Whether or not ECOWAS will intervene militarily still remains an unanswered question at this point.
ECOWAS immediately closed Niger’s borders and banned commercial flights to the country. As part of the economic sanctions, it halted financial transactions with Niger and froze its national assets and aid.
The African Union (AU) also condemned the military coup, calling for the “immediate and unconditional return of the offending soldiers to their barracks” in a press release. On August 22, the AU suspended Niger over the military coup.
With ECOWAS threatening military intervention, the military junta in Niger called for mass mobilization. On June 5, the Volunteers for the Defence of Niger, a pro-coup NGO, launched a recruitment drive across the country. Amsarou Bako, one of the founders, told the Associated Press: “It’s a contingency; we have to be ready whenever it happens. Anyone over the age of 18 can register and the list will be given to the Nigerien military so they can call on people if necessary.” “The junta was not involved in the recruitment drive, but was aware of the initiative,” he added.
At the same time, African countries such as Mali, Chad, Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Algeria have sided with the military in Niger. They issued a joint statement saying they were opposed to the threat of military intervention by ECOWAS. They also mentioned that they would intervene militarily in support of the military in Niger if necessary.
French and U.S. reaction to Niger coup d’état
France strongly supported the ECOWAS rhetoric of military intervention to restore constitutional order and ousted President Bazoum to power. It announced the immediate suspension of all development and aid to Niger. On August 3, it also suspended military cooperation with Niger until further notice.
Interestingly, France refused the military regime’s request to withdraw its troops. An opinion piece in the Atlantic Council attributed France’s proactive role in countering the military coup to its declining influence in the Sahel. It argued that because France’s interests were at stake following the military takeovers in the region, and before the military coup Niger was the last stronghold of French military presence, France resorted to a military solution under the umbrella of ECOWAS.
In contrast to France, the United States has been hesitant about responding to the coup. Unlike France, the U.S. has not called it a “coup” and has opted for a diplomatic solution by sending an envoy to meet with the ruling military. Nevertheless, the U.S. suspended security cooperation with Niger and, like France, cut off development aid.
Russian roulette in Africa
Pro-coup Nigeriens waved Russian flags during protests organized by the military junta and pro-coup NGOs offering visible evidence of Russia’s growing sphere of influence and its strategic maneuvers in Africa through the Wagner Group.
Russia has used the Wagner Group, a private military company, to advance its geopolitical interests in the face of France’s retreat. The Wagner Group established a solid military presence in African countries such as the Central African Republic (CAR), Mali, and Sudan, exploiting colonial grievances.
Russia and the Wagner Group politically aligned themselves with the military elites who took over the state apparatus on the grounds of liberation from French neocolonialism and actively supported military takeovers in Africa. The Wagner Group’s military services to these African countries included logistics, and the supply of military personnel and training.
After the military coup in Niger, Yevgeny Prigozhin, former head of the Wagner Group who died in a suspicious plane crash on August 23, explicitly called the coup in Niger “good news.” He proposed that the Wagner Group provide assistance to the ruling military regime led by General Tchiani. Faced with the threat of military intervention by ECOWAS, the military requested the assistance of the Russian-backed Wagner Group. Wassim Nasr, a journalist and senior researcher at the Soufan Centre, told AP News that General Salifou Mody, a member of the military in Niger, made the request during his visit to neighboring Mali.
The extent to which the Wagner Group will intervene to help the military stay in power is debatable. This has to do with the uncertainty of how the Wagner Group will be reinstrumentalized by Russia in the aftermath of the mutiny and the alleged political assassination of Yevgeny Prigozhin. Many African countries are going through political instability and their ties with Wagner might change based on political developments in the future.
