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		<title>Democracy on the Ground: Local Politics in Latin America’s Left Turn</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/democracy-on-the-ground-local-politics-in-latin-americas-left-turn/</link>
		
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		<pubDate>Tue, 03 Oct 2023 11:36:49 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Books In-Brief]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Venezuela]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Authority]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Government]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Left Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Latin America]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[democracy]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="200" height="300" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/democracyonground-200x300.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" fetchpriority="high" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/democracyonground-200x300.jpg 200w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/democracyonground.jpg 534w" sizes="(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px" /></div>
<p>Can democracy truly flourish when elite interests are at stake?</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/democracy-on-the-ground-local-politics-in-latin-americas-left-turn/">Democracy on the Ground: Local Politics in Latin America’s Left Turn</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div><img width="200" height="300" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/democracyonground-200x300.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/democracyonground-200x300.jpg 200w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/democracyonground.jpg 534w" sizes="(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px" /></div><div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div class="vc_row wpb_row vc_row-fluid"><div class="wpb_column vc_column_container vc_col-sm-8 vc_col-sm-offset-2"><div class="vc_column-inner"><div class="wpb_wrapper">    <div class="c-space  c-space--1 c-space--custom"></div>
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">L</span></p>
<p>atin America’s recent “left turn” was triggered by a growing discontent with entrenched inequalities, social injustices, and perceived disregard for the marginalized segments of society. This resurgence of left-wing politics is by no means uniform, as the diverse nations of Latin America each have their own unique narratives and experiences. The region has emerged as one that bears witness to the ebb and flow of democratic ideals, often under the shadow of powerful elites.</p>
<p>Often times, right-wing forces have repeatedly dethroned elected governments that challenged the rich and accepted democracy only after removing the Left and widespread market reform. In this context, a question worth considering is: how would the Right react if democracy threatened elite interests?</p>
<p>Gabriel Hetland&#8217;s thought-provoking book, <em>Democracy on the Ground: Local Politics in Latin America’s Left Turn</em>, delves into the confluence of the Left and the Right shedding light on the dynamics of political power through the prism of local politics in Venezuela and Bolivia.</p>

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			<p>Read: <a href="https://politicstoday.org/left-wing-politics-gain-momentum-in-latin-america/">Left-Wing Politics Gain Momentum in Latin America</a></p>

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			<p>Hetland&#8217;s work is the culmination of two years of immersive fieldwork, during which he meticulously observed and analyzed the attempts at participatory reform in cities governed by both the Left and the Right in each of these South American nations. He sets out to unravel a compelling puzzle: what drives political elites to embrace participatory democracy within select Latin American cities while neglecting it in others? The fundamental inquiry at the heart of this book is whether democracy can truly flourish when elite interests are at stake.</p>
<p><em>Democracy on the Ground </em>presents an essential grassroots examination of two &#8216;populist&#8217; experiments conducted in Venezuela and Bolivia. One of the central findings of Hetland&#8217;s research is that participatory reform measures were more successful in Venezuela compared to Bolivia, regardless of the party in office. Hetland posits that Venezuela&#8217;s ruling party achieved a unique form of hegemony, wherein it presented its ideology as a shared vision for all citizens. This political maneuvering forced the Venezuelan Right to operate within the Left&#8217;s political framework, ultimately compelling it to implement participatory reforms with surprising vigor.</p>

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			<p>Read: <a href="https://politicstoday.org/the-rise-of-evangelicals-in-latin-america-what-would-jesus-do/">The Rise of Evangelicals in Latin America: What Would Jesus Do?</a></p>

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			<p>In contrast, Bolivia&#8217;s political landscape paints a starkly different picture. There, the demobilization of popular movements created a hostile environment for the deepening of local democracy under any party&#8217;s leadership. The book demonstrates how the underlying structures of national political systems can profoundly influence the feasibility of grassroots participatory actions, shedding light on a vital aspect of democracy.</p>
<p>Moreover, <em>Democracy on the Ground</em> underscores the transformative potential of hegemony, not only on the Left but also on the Right. Hetland argues convincingly that just as right-wing hegemony can reshape the Left, leftist hegemony can significantly impact the Right. This insightful perspective challenges prevailing notions about the boundaries and constraints on democracy in the Latin American context.</p>
<p><em>Democracy on the Ground</em> is an engaging exploration, not only offering a fresh perspective but also delivering crucial insights into the multifaceted debates surrounding democracy, political elites, party politics, and the dynamics of participatory governance. This book is of interest to scholars, policymakers, and anyone interested in the fate of democracy in the vibrant and dynamic South American context.</p>
<p><strong>Gabriel Hetland, <em>Democracy on the Ground: Local Politics in Latin America’s Left Turn</em> (Columbia University Press, 2023) ISBN: 9780231207713, 336 pages</strong></p>

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			<p style="text-align: center;">Recommended</p>

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	</h3>

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</div></article></div></div><!-- iso-container|iso-grid --></div></div></div></div></div>    <div class="c-space  c-space--7 c-space--custom"></div>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/democracy-on-the-ground-local-politics-in-latin-americas-left-turn/">Democracy on the Ground: Local Politics in Latin America’s Left Turn</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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		<title>Stalemate: Autonomy and Insurgency on the China-Myanmar Border</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/stalemate-autonomy-insurgency-china-myanmar-border/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 22 Aug 2023 07:50:58 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Books In-Brief]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Myanmar]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Civil War]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Geopolitics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Resistance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Governance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Thailand]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Authority]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://politicstoday.org/stalemate-autonomy-insurgency-china-myanmar-border/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="200" height="300" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/stalematecover-200x300.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/stalematecover-200x300.jpg 200w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/stalematecover.jpg 534w" sizes="(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px" /></div>
<p>Often brushed aside as mere rebels or linked to drug trade, the United Wa State Army defies conventional expectations.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/stalemate-autonomy-insurgency-china-myanmar-border/">Stalemate: Autonomy and Insurgency on the China-Myanmar Border</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div><img width="200" height="300" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/stalematecover-200x300.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/stalematecover-200x300.jpg 200w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/stalematecover.jpg 534w" sizes="(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px" /></div><div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div class="vc_row wpb_row vc_row-fluid"><div class="wpb_column vc_column_container vc_col-sm-8 vc_col-sm-offset-2"><div class="vc_column-inner"><div class="wpb_wrapper">    <div class="c-space  c-space--8 c-space--custom"></div>
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">O</span>n the lush hills of the Myanmar-China border stands an autonomous self-governing polity in Myanmar, the Wa State. It is de facto independent from the rest of the country and has its own political system, administrative divisions and army. Stalemate delves into the captivating history and contemporary political landscape of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), an insurgent force with 20,000-30,000 active forces that stands as Asia&#8217;s most formidable.</p>
<p>This narrative of ethnographic exploration paints a vivid picture of an upland community, often brushed aside as mere rebels or linked to drug trade, yet proficiently upholding a unique autonomy that navigates between two dominant states. Rather than sidestepping the neighboring states, the Wa polity actively engages with them, a dynamic that unfolds against the backdrop of sovereignty and statehood struggles.</p>

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			<p>Read: <a href="https://politicstoday.org/insurgency-warfare-global-history/">Insurgency Warfare: A Global History to the Present</a></p>

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			<p>Through the lens of Andrew Ong&#8217;s meticulous analysis, in <em>Stalemate: Autonomy and Insurgency on the China-Myanmar Border</em> readers are led through the political culture entrenched within Wa elites and the general populace, the complex web of UWSA&#8217;s international connections, and the intricate capital flows in conjunction with China, illuminating the orchestration behind Wa autonomy. Geopolitical strategy and involvement in the shadow economy is what breathes life into the concept of Wa autonomy. In fact, the book adeptly navigates through the multifaceted borderland geopolitics and the nuances of the shadow economy, highlighting how the United Wa State Army carefully treads this intricate path.</p>
<p>Blending anthropological insights with his personal encounters as a World Food Programme employee in Wa State, Ong delivers a contemplative on-the-ground portrayal of political dynamics in Wa. His objectives, intertwined and interwoven, unfold in three tiers. Primarily, he endeavors to enable readers to perceive the world through the eyes of Wa State&#8217;s inhabitants, gaining their perspective. Subsequently, he aims to foster comprehension of the disparities between Wa governance principles and international norms. Lastly, he prompts a reconsideration of conventional interpretations of disorder and stability.</p>

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			<p>Read: <a href="https://politicstoday.org/an-axis-of-evil-why-russia-and-china-protect-myanmars-military-regime/">An Axis of Evil: Why Russia and China Protect Myanmar’s Military Regime</a></p>

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			<p>Through the perspectives of the political elite of the Wa State, Ong goes on to dissect the apparent deadlock existing between the Myanmar state and the UWSA, a standoff characterized by what he terms &#8220;tactical dissonance.&#8221; This intriguing concept encapsulates the UWSA&#8217;s dual stance of projecting authority while simultaneously exhibiting subordination, thereby creating a web of disruptions and connections. It&#8217;s through this very dichotomy that the relative stability emerges, a stability that defies conventional understanding by underscoring the role of seemingly cryptic and chaotic political signals, economic regulations, and military governance.</p>
<p><em>Stalemate</em> provides an enthralling narrative that delves into the captivating world of the United Wa State Army, unearthing the complex interplay of power dynamics, sovereignty struggles, and tactical maneuvering that defy conventional expectations. Every chapter begins with a captivating short story from Ong&#8217;s experiences in Wa State. This is followed by a brief explanation of the theory, usually consisting of a paragraph or two, which is then demonstrated through additional field notes.</p>
<p>Finally, Ong questions the concept of &#8220;ceasefire capitalism,&#8221; and views the disorderly aspects of the conflict economy, like arms and wildlife trades, as forces that strangely unite opposing sides. This book stands as an indispensable read for anyone seeking a discovery into the fascinating and unique polity known as the UWSA and the intricate web of politics, autonomy, and an orderly disorder.</p>
<p><strong>Andrew Ong, <em>Stalemate: Autonomy and Insurgency on the China-Myanmar</em> <em>Border</em> (Cornell University Press, 2023) ISBN13: 9781501770715, 276 pages</strong></p>
<p><em>Written by Dilara Özer</em></p>

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</style><div class="blog-shortcode blog-masonry-shortcode-id-151ed1325dc6d4640f94262880b5fa4b mode-grid classic-layout-list jquery-filter dt-css-grid-wrap dt-icon-bg-off resize-by-browser-width loading-effect-none description-under-image " data-padding="15px" data-cur-page="1" data-post-limit="-1" data-pagination-mode="none" data-desktop-columns-num="4" data-v-tablet-columns-num="2" data-h-tablet-columns-num="4" data-phone-columns-num="1" data-width="0px" data-columns="0"><div class="dt-css-grid" ><div class="visible wf-cell" data-post-id="30590" data-date="2026-08-21T08:09:03+03:00" data-name="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation"><article class="post project-odd visible post-30590 type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-middle-east category-security category-news category-turkey tag-turkey tag-middle-east tag-israel pt_topic-human-rights pt_topic-palestine pt_topic-turkish-foreign-policy category-23 category-34 category-1 category-4 description-off" data-name="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation" data-date="2026-08-21T08:09:03+03:00">

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/duran-netanyahus-threats-against-turkiye-reflect-israels-growing-isolation/" class="post-thumbnail-rollover" ><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="preload-me aspect" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/turkiye-duran-760x534.jpg" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/turkiye-duran-760x534.jpg 760w" style="--ratio: 760 / 534" sizes="(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px" alt="" title="Turkiye Duran" width="760" height="534"  /></a>	</div>
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<div class="post-entry-content">

	<h3 class="entry-title">
		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/duran-netanyahus-threats-against-turkiye-reflect-israels-growing-isolation/" title="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation" rel="bookmark">Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation</a>
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	<div class="entry-meta"><span class="category-link"><a href="https://politicstoday.org/category/middle-east/">Middle East</a></span><a class="author vcard" href="https://politicstoday.org/author/politics-today/" title="View all posts by Politics Today" rel="author">By <span class="fn">Politics Today</span></a></div>
	
	
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	<div class="entry-meta"><span class="category-link"><a href="https://politicstoday.org/category/middle-east/">Middle East</a></span><a class="author vcard" href="https://politicstoday.org/author/politics-today/" title="View all posts by Politics Today" rel="author">By <span class="fn">Politics Today</span></a></div>
	
	
</div></article></div><div class="visible wf-cell" data-post-id="30585" data-date="2026-08-20T10:49:53+03:00" data-name="Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria"><article class="post project-odd visible post-30585 type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-news category-turkey category-middle-east category-security tag-syria tag-israel tag-turkey pt_topic-foreign-fighters pt_topic-global-economy category-1 category-4 category-23 category-34 description-off" data-name="Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria" data-date="2026-08-20T10:49:53+03:00">

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/israel-faces-international-criticism-over-strikes-on-syria/" class="post-thumbnail-rollover" ><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="preload-me aspect" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/israeli-army-in-syria-760x534.jpg" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/israeli-army-in-syria-760x534.jpg 760w" style="--ratio: 760 / 534" sizes="(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px" alt="" title="Israeli army in Syria" width="760" height="534"  /></a>	</div>
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<div class="post-entry-content">

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/israel-faces-international-criticism-over-strikes-on-syria/" title="Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria" rel="bookmark">Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria</a>
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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/us-debt-crosses-40-trillion-as-fiscal-and-interest-costs-mount/" class="post-thumbnail-rollover" ><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="preload-me aspect" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/us-national-debt-748x525.jpg" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/us-national-debt-748x525.jpg 748w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/us-national-debt-747x525.jpg 747w" style="--ratio: 748 / 525" sizes="(max-width: 748px) 100vw, 748px" alt="" title="US national debt" width="748" height="525"  /></a>	</div>
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<div class="post-entry-content">

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</div></article></div></div><!-- iso-container|iso-grid --></div></div></div></div></div>    <div class="c-space  c-space--14 c-space--custom"></div>
<style>.c-space--14:before { padding-bottom: 35px; }</style></div></div></div></div>
</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/stalemate-autonomy-insurgency-china-myanmar-border/">Stalemate: Autonomy and Insurgency on the China-Myanmar Border</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
		<item>
		<title>Viewing Contemporary Turkey and Pakistan through Television Series</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/viewing-contemporary-turkey-and-pakistan-through-television-series/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 14 Aug 2017 09:00:43 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Finance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Turkey]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Patriarchy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Islam]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[post-Structuralism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Pakistan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Society]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Religion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Symbols]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Television]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hijab]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Ideology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Modernity]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://politicstoday.org/viewing-contemporary-turkey-and-pakistan-through-television-series/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="198" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/unnamed-6-300x198.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/unnamed-6-300x198.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/unnamed-6-768x507.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/unnamed-6.jpg 946w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div>
<p>For a century now structuralists and post-structuralists have been arguing about the arbitrariness of meaning of symbols and words; the same word or object can mean different things in different settings.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/viewing-contemporary-turkey-and-pakistan-through-television-series/">Viewing Contemporary Turkey and Pakistan through Television Series</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="198" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/unnamed-6-300x198.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/unnamed-6-300x198.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/unnamed-6-768x507.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/unnamed-6.jpg 946w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div><div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div class="vc_row wpb_row vc_row-fluid"><div class="wpb_column vc_column_container vc_col-sm-8 vc_col-sm-offset-2"><div class="vc_column-inner"><div class="wpb_wrapper">    <div class="c-space  c-space--15 c-space--custom"></div>
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">T</span>he objects surrounding our daily lives are not just pieces of particular shape and color meant to perform a particular function. Objects are texts that convey meanings. They are the instruments of emotion and ideology. Therefore the narratives built through the usage of social and cultural objects can not be treated as objective or innocent. They are filled with the makers’ bias: ideology, motives or sensation. Television dramas and films are like dreams. Elements belonging to disperate contexts or situations can be combined together along with human beings from disperate backgrounds. A story can be woven through this manipulation that is far away from reality or makes the idea of reality obsolete. Yet, in these <em>represented</em> or <em>imaginary</em> stories, objects and their combinations become metaphors, open to interpretations. Hence, in the light of above statement, visual media plays two important roles: it <em>reflects</em> as well as <em>shapes</em> the society. Here we comparatively examine two television serials. One is set in Turkey (<em>Huzur Sokağı</em> or Serenity Street), and another is set in Pakistan (<em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat</em> or God and the Love). Representation of Islam, Islamic symbols and women are at the centre of the two narratives.</p>
<p>“I did not start wearing hijab before because … ,” says Feyza (Selin Demiratar), the character of a young Turkish girl who wears miniskirts, visits late night parties and drinks occasionally, to her beloved, Bilal (Kutsi). Feyza belongs to a rich corporate family where the concept of hijab exists as a dressing for the poor, ignorant and backward people, thus having no place within the realm of a “modern” family.</p>
<p>“… because I always had a feeling that if I begin wearing hijab I would be doing it for <em>you</em>, not for God. Now I don’t care whether you are with me or not. I have found my world now,” Feyza tells Bilal, a man who comes from a modest family and defines every aspect of his life in keeping with religious guidelines. Feyza utters these words after going through a series of hardships and deception at the hands of her own family members and friends. As she prays in silence calmness befalls her. Prayers give her peace that she has found absent all through her life. Now in this new world bowing her head to God liberates her from all the sadness of past and fear of future. Even Bilal, her beloved, who in fact had opened the gates for her to this new world of spirituality becomes insignificant to her. Such is the overpowering influence of this new life.</p>
<p>http://thenewturkey.org/the-journey-of-a-soul-ayse-sasa/</p>
<p>These lines describe what lies at the heart of the narrative of the Şenol Sönmez directed Turkish television serial, <em>Huzur Sokağı</em>. Few things in this message set <em>Huzur Sokağı</em> apart from its Pakistani counterpart, <em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat</em>, directed by Saud Raheem. First, it establishes that religion is to be appreciated as a ‘consequence’, not cult or authority. Second, compromise between love and God, rich and poor is not completely impossible, as represented in <em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat. </em>Third, within a social setup woman’s identity does not have to necessarily be overshadowed by religion, which has historically been deemed as proprietorship of man. The two serials, though unrelated, hit the screen around the same time in their respective countries – <em>Huzur Sokağı </em>in 2012 and<em> Khuda Aur Mohabbat </em>in 2011.</p>
<h2><strong>The relationship between religion and modernity </strong></h2>
<p>Both <em>Huzur Sokağı</em> and <em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat</em> have a socio-historical context in Turkey and Pakistan. The two countries are Muslim majority and the debate between Islam, secularism and modernity has existed ever since the two states were formed in the first half of the twentieth century. More specifically, since the 1980s the debate gained more salience in Pakistan as well as Turkey, with a particular focus on women. In Turkey, the demand for the right to wear the headscarf in public places, like schools, public offices and universities, was raised as the secularist republican rule had become ever more oppressive in that regard. On the other hand, through Zia-ul-Haq’s “Islamization” process in Pakistan new parameters were legislatively drawn curtailing women’s rights. The two television dramas capture these two opposing debates involving Islam, women’s rights, and human rights.</p>
<p><em>Huzur Sokağı </em>represents a complex interplay between religion and modernity. It rejects modernity in its Western form, which promotes individualism and divests a human being of spirituality. It completes this “modernity” by infusing a spiritual element – that is religious values – into it, and it revitalizes the power of a <em>sokak</em> or street. Thus an individual is no more simply a corporate machine, but a human being, a social animal who identifies himself/herself within a neighborhood. The food cooking in one kitchen can be shared by the entire community. So <em>Huzur Sokağı </em>emphasizes molding of the existing social order to make it conducive for all the social agents irrespective of their beliefs, gender and economic status. It does this by putting the individual at the center. Conversely, however, <em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat</em> reflects the rigidity of the social structure in which an individual is merely an object that serves this structure.</p>
<p>For a century now structuralists and post-structuralists have been arguing about the arbitrariness of meaning of symbols and words; the same word or object can mean different things in different settings. This is exactly what the two serials exemplify. The headscarf and <em>abaya</em>, traditionally a Muslim dress, for instance, assume two different types of meanings within the setting of the two television serials under discussion.</p>
<h2><strong>The power of ideological symbolization</strong></h2>

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/duran-netanyahus-threats-against-turkiye-reflect-israels-growing-isolation/" title="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation" rel="bookmark">Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation</a>
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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/israeli-military-admits-for-first-time-to-firing-on-car-carrying-5-year-old-hind-rajab/" title="Israeli Military Admits for First Time to Firing on Car Carrying 5-year-old Hind Rajab" rel="bookmark">Israeli Military Admits for First Time to Firing on Car Carrying 5-year-old Hind Rajab</a>
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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/israel-faces-international-criticism-over-strikes-on-syria/" title="Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria" rel="bookmark">Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria</a>
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			<p><em>Huzur Sokağı’s </em>hijab, analyzing the character of Shukran (Sinem Ozturk), signifies wisdom, self-respect, patience, politeness and prudence. The hijab of <em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat, </em>on the other hand, is a symbol of an overarching authority — a mix of religion and patriarchy. It not only segregates but also blocks. Apart from being a symbol controlling identity of a woman, the hijab of <em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat, </em>which also extends to the face, allowing only eyes to be visible, acts as a wall that solidifies the difference between male and female. Throughout this drama serial hijab has a central role that cements the male-female difference.</p>
<p>However, perhaps for the first time in modern Turkey, a television serial has such an extensive visibility of the hijab and <em>abaya</em>, yet there is no conscious focus on this dress. Huzur Sokağı’s increased exposure to the Islamic dressing may be attributed to the changing ground reality of Turkey. After the lifting of the ban on headscarf in Turkey, the visibility rate of headscarf throughout the country has gone up. The portrayal of women, with and without headscarf, involved in normal exchange of social life, is an assertion of the need for different sections of the society to intermingle and coexist with each other in the new Turkey.</p>
<p>Its focus is on the complex features of characters &#8211; wisdom, shallowness, recklessness, foresight, morality/immorality, politeness and so on – that cut across the ideological and identity boundaries. In the process, not only is the social gender difference obliterated but the secularist-conservative divide also becomes insignificant; one is not promoted over the other. For instance, Bilal, the lead male character, who is depicted as very religious, self-respecting and authoritative, falls in love with Feyza, who is quite unlike him. For Bilal, the condition to be in love with Feyza and get married to her is not to transform her to a pious woman. This is not even a point. Even Bilal’s own teenage sister, Rezaan, doesn’t wear a headscarf and sometimes wears miniskirts. Still Bilal loves and cares for Rezaan as an elder brother would do. Though it is Bilal who, after their father’s demise, acts as head-of-the family, he never imposes anything to the family members. He acts as an obedient and respectful son to his mother.</p>
<p>The narrative and symbolization of <em>Huzur Sokağı</em> is integral to the Turkish government’s ideology in trying to redefine Turkish identity, i.e., advocating the creation of a culture of cooperation, rather than competition or confrontation, among different social and ideological groups. In a society like Turkey there has been a raging antagonism between extreme/strict secularist policies of past regimes at the cost of those who were surviving their religious tradition in the country’s remote corners.</p>
<p><em>Huzur Sokağı </em>also attempts to serve as an educational platform which sends clear socio-cultural signals. It does not obliterate the “secularist” discourse to promote a “religious” one (as some scholars tend to see them as two binary opposites). It is simply redefining the secularist discourse to broaden its circumference in order to become more inclusive. <em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat, </em>on the other hand, is a spectacle of tragedy. An individual is trapped in a structure, whose rigidity gives him/her a choice between death and submission. The individual is an object whose emotions, feelings, thoughts and desires are subject to structural regulation.</p>
<h2><strong>The Social Divide </strong></h2>
<p>When two people – Imaan (Sadia Khan), a girl from a poor and religious family and Hamaad (Imran Abbas), a boy from a modern, rich family transcend their class boundaries and fall in love with each other, the end they meet is death. Even changing sides does not help Hamaad: he forsakes his rich family to become equal to his beloved and begins to pray, but then it is the girl’s father Molvi Aleemuddin (Salman Shahid) who refuses to accept this marriage, signaling the social stigma, entrenched inequality between the two families and “illegitimacy of love marriage in Islam”.</p>
<p>The uncompromisability of the social classes so vividly illustrated in <em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat</em> evokes a high degree of emotion. The narrative and mode of representation can be interpreted as a general signifier for the most of the post-colonial South Asian cultures, including India and Pakistan, the two most populous nations of the region. Within the boundaries of these countries two unequal societies exist side by side. While one is defined by its economic status – a highly westernized elite who predominantly occupy governmental positions, the other is defined by its poverty and religiosity.</p>
<p>Due to poverty and massive population states in Pakistan and India have not been able to exert their authority to the peripheries of the countries. Consequently, in the absence of any support from state apparatuses, large masses of population find refuge in cultural and religious rituals. It is the local bodies at village level and, in some cases, tribal bodies, that regulate the social life through religious or cultural decrees. Weak state institutions find it hard to reach out to the people at the periphery. While the elite are guided by their economic status, those at the bottom adopt religion and traditional rituals as an authority guiding social behavior. This overwhelmingly resulted in religion becoming a source of power, which became capable of justifying patriarchy. Molvi Aleemuddin represents this authority in <em>Khuda Aur Mohabbat. </em>The serial symbolically captures this convolution.</p>
<p>Islamic symbols like hijab and beard, in the past two decades especially, have assumed an extremely negative connotation. Comparative analysis of <em>Huzur Sokağı </em>and<em> Khuda Aur Mohabbat</em> opens a window to see the artificial nature of human perception about symbols: meanings of symbols are not natural; they are produced through social interaction. Therefore, anything wrong about Islamic symbols is only a matter of human perception, which can change as well.</p>

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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/viewing-contemporary-turkey-and-pakistan-through-television-series/">Viewing Contemporary Turkey and Pakistan through Television Series</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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