Repressive regimes in the Middle East often practice various methods to silence the dissent. One of these increasingly utilized methods is “enforced disappearance.” Enforced disappearance is defined in the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance as “the arrest, detention, abduction or any other form of deprivation of liberty by agents of the State or by persons or groups of persons acting with the authorization, support or acquiescence of the State.” Article 5 of the Treaty labels enforced disappearance as a “crime against humanity” and urges all signatory states to prevent such actions.

Jamal Khashoggi: A silenced Saudi journalist

A recent example of such a case took place at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. Jamal Khashoggi, a prominent Saudi journalist and influential figure in Saudi Arabia, disappeared after he entered the Consulate General of Saudi Arabia. It’s widely argued that the Saudi administration might have played a role in the disappearance of the journalist, who is also a columnist for the Washington Post. In an attempt to divert against the backlash, in an interview he gave, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman stated, “the Saudi government have no information on the whereabouts of Jamal Khashoggi.”

Those who followed the incident however, claim that the Saudi regime is responsible for Khashoggi’s disappearance. Some even fear that Khashoggi may have been a victim of an unsolved murder. This case has created international outrage as the journalist has close relations with influential figures in world politics. There have been a number of numerous calls from state representatives, media organizations, and human rights campaigners for the immediate release of Khashoggi, and Turkey has begun an official state investigation.

If the Saudi government is responsible for the disappearance of Jamal Khashoggi, this event can be accepted as a case of enforced disappearance. However, even if it is so, a sanction would not be possible for Saudi Arabia in the context of international conventions, as the Kingdom is not a signatory of the Convention for the Protection of All Persons, just like other countries in the region, including Egypt.

Enforced disappearance cases in Egypt

Egypt has kept the lead in the Middle East with the most cases of “enforced disappearances” during the past couple of years. After the military coup in 2013, the Sisi regime targeted activists and dissent that opposed the military regime. In many cases, the regime directly arrested opposition figures on claims of supporting terrorist organizations, spreading false news, and supposedly threatening public order. In other cases, a number of activists disappeared without the knowledge of anyone, including their families and lawyers. In these cases, the missing person is usually found in prison – usually months after their “enforced disappearance.”

One of the most horrendous events in this regard took place in 2016. Italian citizen and PhD candidate at Cambridge University, Giulio Regeni, disappeared in Cairo on January 25, 2016. 9 days later, he was found dead with signs of heavy torture. Although the Egyptian security authorities took no responsibility for his death, human rights campaigners and the family of Regeni claimed that the regime was responsible for his death.

These enforced disappearance cases in Egypt showed a rapid increase especially after the military coup in 2013. According to a report by the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, at least 378 people disappeared in-between August 2016 and August 2017. The total number of disappeared persons since 2013 would go well beyond 1000. In many cases, the government initially denies having any information on the whereabouts of the person that has disappeared. However, most of the people reported missing are usually found in prison weeks or even months later. Some of them, though, have never been found.

The practice of “enforced disappearance,” which has been employed by countries such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia, against the dissidents of the regime, is against human rights and is considered a crime against humanity under international law. Therefore, both human rights campaigners and the international community have to put pressure on governments that practice “enforced disappearance” as a method of silencing the dissent.

Egypt has been witnessing a new wave of political oppression against civil opposition figures. The pressure has intensified following the election of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to presidency in the last election in March. What’s different with the current wave of arrests in Egypt is the fact that the Egyptian regime has been mainly targeting the Muslim Brotherhood so far. However, this time the regime is focusing on secular or socialist activists. This is mainly because of the fact that these activists have been criticizing the Sisi regime and its domestic and external policies. Their successful use of social media and the Internet allowed these activists to spread their criticism to a large audience. The wave of arrests, therefore, could be interpreted as the regime’s new strategy of dealing with the opposition. As the Sisi regime has completed its destruction of the Muslim Brotherhood, it now directs its iron-fist on the secular and socialist opposition.

In early May, the secular activist Shadi al-Ghazali Harb and the revolutionary socialist Haitham Mohamedeen were arrested in the raids on their homes with the accusations of insulting the president and spreading false news with the intent of destabilizing social peace and national security. In another incident a housewife, Amal Fathy, was arrested along with her family for joining a terrorist organization, promoting terrorist acts over the internet, and spreading false news that harms national security and public order. Fathy became popular after she posted a YouTube video in which she detailed how Egyptian men sexually harassed her. Another person arrested with similar charges was the comedian Shadi Ebu Zeyd. He was taken into custody following a raid on his home with around 20 policemen.

As the Sisi regime has completed its destruction of the Muslim Brotherhood, it now directs its iron-fist on the secular and socialist opposition.

Finally, the most prominent activist who was taken into custody during the latest wave of arrests was Wael Abbas, a prominent figure during the 2011 revolution. As a secular activist Abbas was known with his critical stance against corruption, torture and human rights abuses. He severely criticized the government both before and after the revolution of 2011. His criticism towards the Sisi regime was on the basis of human rights issues and mistakes in foreign policy. It is announced that Abbas, who was arrested during the police raid on his house in Cairo, will be tried on charges of spreading false news and forming an illegal organization. In December 2017, Twitter shut the account of Wael Abbas, arguing that the account was violating Twitter’s rules. It is suspected that Twitter may have taken the decision on the request of the Egyptian regime.

Another indication of oppression against regime opponents is the 10-year prison sentence for Ismail Alexandarani, a researcher at the Wilson Center in the United States, known for his work on the North Sinai region. Alexandarani, who was detained at the airport when he was entering Egypt in 2015 and remained in pre-trial detention for 2.5 years, was sentenced by a military court to 10 years in prison for joining a terrorist organization and reporting false information.

A recent arrest of a PhD researcher from Washington University also caused concern. Walid al-Shobaky was conducting field research on the judicial system of Egypt when he suddenly disappeared. On the forth day of his disappearance, the state prosecutor informed his family that he was taken into custody. Following initial investigation the prosecutor decided to arrest al-Shobaky for a 15-day detention. Despite the fact that there was hardly any clear information on the case, he was reportedly arrested with the charges similar to other opposition figures that were previously arrested.

The wave of recent arrests in Egypt is a clear indication of the regime’s intention for continuing oppression against dissidents.

This event reminded another brutal incident that took place three years ago. Giulio Regeni, an Italian citizen and doctoral student at Cambridge University, disappeared in January 2016, while he was conducting field research on trade unions and workers’ associations in Egypt. About a week later, Regeni’s body was found on the roadside outside Cairo. It turned out that Regeni was subjected to torture and was killed. During the investigations, it was alleged that intelligence services had killed Regeni. Egyptian authorities deny allegations.

The wave of recent arrests in Egypt is a clear indication of the regime’s intention for continuing oppression against dissidents. Unlike previous initiatives that were mainly focused on Islamic movements, the Sisi regime will be targeting secular and socialist opposition, hoping to permanently eliminate all kinds of opposition towards the regime. However, such a policy would lead to unification of opposition groups, increasing human rights violations and deepening instability caused by the distrust between state and society.