Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi made his fifth appearance at the United Nations General Assembly. He has become the first Egyptian president to participate in the UN General Assembly for five consecutive years. In his speech he made during the General Assembly, Sisi focused on the changes in the Arab world and the human rights issues.

Despite Egypt’s well-known record on human rights infringements, Sisi absurdly stated, “Egypt has a solid constitutional foundation for the protection of human rights.” The fact that an individual who toppled a democratically elected President through a military coup and who has an extensive record on human rights abuses was lecturing about human rights at the UNGA was shocking for many. This was an additional insult for the many Egyptians who have and who still currently suffer from the Sisi state’s repression.

Despite his autocratic rule, Sisi has been regarded as a legitimate political leader. Western actors, who have supported Sisi without bringing any criticism to his human rights violations, can be blamed for the suffering of the Egyptian people at the hands of a brutal regime. Countries such as the U.K, U.S., Germany, France, and Italy have behaved as if a military coup never took place in Egypt, as if thousands of civilians were not taken into prison for years and as if opposition activists have not suddenly disappeared. This attitude has been a major factor that has encouraged Sisi to turning into a more authoritarian regime. In opposition to this, Turkey has been the only democratic government that has criticized the Sisi regime on every occasion.

The meetings Sisi conducted during the UNGA also attract attention. One of these meetings was with U.S. President Donald Trump. Since the start of Trump’s presidency in January 2017, this has been the fifth meeting between the two. The frequency of bilateral meetings also reflect the sign of strong cooperation between the two governments. This is also understood from the statements made by Trump during the meetings. While praising Sisi’s efforts in combating terrorism and instability in Egypt, Trump labelled his relations with Sisi as the “strongest” ever in the history of relations between the U.S. and Egypt. Trump also added that he would continue to work with Sisi on different fields such as military, trade, and fight against terrorism.

Trump has attributed special importance to Sisi for two main reasons. The first is that Egypt plays a major role in Israel’s security, and second, Egypt has a vital place in the Middle East policies of the U.S. These two issues are in essence closely related to each other. As a matter of fact, it can be argued that Washington’s main objective in the Middle East is to ensure the security of Israel. Trump’s close relations with Egypt can be considered in the light of this dynamic. With a regional alliance centered on Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. Trump aims to control the leading countries of the Arab world, thus preventing possible threats to Israel.

Sisi’s second note-worthy meeting was with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. During this two-hour meeting, the two leaders exchanged views on recent developments in Palestine and exchanged views on Middle East politics. This was the third meeting held between the two leaders since September 2017. Sisi and Netanyahu held their first public meeting at the UN General Assembly last year.

In May 2018, Netanyahu organized a secret trip to Egypt, where he met with Sisi as part of the ceasefire talks between Hamas and Israel. Netanyahu’s visit to Cairo took place after the U.S. moved its embassy in Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. During the days of the visit, Israeli police were busy attacking Palestinian protesters who opposed Trump’s decision to move the U.S. embassy. It is also important to note that Sisi was in total silence in the face of the Palestinians that were killed during the clashes with Israeli police forces.

Sisi’s frequent meetings with Trump and Netanyahu reveal that Egypt is under the full control of the U.S. and Israel, particularly with regards to their policies in the Middle East. It is fair to argue that the Egyptian regime does not represent the will and consent of the public but that it functions under the guidance of Washington and Tel-Aviv. This is not a new phenomenon. This began with the rule of Hosni Mubarak and continued for three decades until the revolution of 2011. The Morsi period was in contrast with this political landscape, as the Morsi government tried to follow an independent foreign policy in line with the direction of Egypt’s public opinion. However, this period was short-lived and the military coup on July 3, 2013, paved the way for Egypt to re-enter into U.S. and Israeli guidance.

On August 14, 2013, Egypt suffered its largest civilian massacre; one that had never been witnessed in the country’s history. Egyptian armed forces massacred at least 1,500 people who were participating in a large sit-in at the Rabaa Adawiya Square in Cairo. The majority of these people were members of or affiliated with, the Muslim Brotherhood. The crowd was simply organizing a peaceful protest against the military coup that took place on July 3, 2013, and their demands were simple: the return to democracy and the release of the legitimately elected President Mohammad Morsi, who was imprisoned during the military coup.

The brutal attack of the Egyptian military on the peaceful protesters was essentially a turning point in the course of the 2011 revolution process. The Egyptian military, led by Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, ended the dreams of millions in the country who hoped to have a democratic political system that ensured them their basic freedoms, welfare, and dignity. The Rabaa massacre marked the beginning of a new era in Egypt in which a regime, even more repressive than Mubarak, came to power.

As a matter of fact, no members of the army or state officials were held responsible for the crimes committed during the Rabaa massacre. In contrast, thousands of Muslim Brotherhood members were arrested in relation to the protests that were organized in Rabaa Square. Many of those arrested were either imprisoned or sentenced to death. On the fifth anniversary of the military coup, the Egyptian parliament approved a bill that proposed to exempt security personnel and army officers from any prosecution that could emerge for any possible crimes since the military coup of July 3, 2013. It has been argued that this law was designed in order to protect members of the Egyptian army who were responsible for the Rabaa massacre and other mass killings.

Thus, this was an additional attempt by the Egyptian regime to protect those responsible for the massacre in Rabaa. The Sisi regime has also made efforts to prevent any claims against its personnel. In addition, regardless of providing social services such as education, healthcare, and religious activities, the regime labeled the Muslim Brotherhood movement as a terrorist organization and initiated a large-scale campaign in order to arrest its members and leading figures. Not only were members and leaders targetted, but anyone that displayed any form of sympathy was also targetted.

The regime was not alone in its oppressive policies. A number of regional and international actors supported the Sisi regime and legitimized its actions. Many Western governments have established normal relations with Cairo and have made efforts to live down its violent repression against the dissidents, including the massacre at Rabaa Square. Among these states are the U.S., Germany, France, the U.K., and Italy, while regional supporters include the UAE and Saudi Arabia. In a strong message of solidarity with Cairo, on the fifth anniversary of the Rabaa Massacre, King Salman of Saudi Arabia hosted Sisi in the Red Sea resort of Neom on August 14, 2018.

Despite the endless efforts of the Sisi regime, the international community still respecs the memory of the Rabaa massacre and reiterates the call for punishing those who are responsible for such atrocities. In stark contrast to their governments, members of civil society, media, and academia have particularly shown solidarity with the survivors of the Rabaa massacre. During the past week, a number of articles and press statements that criticized the brutality of the Sisi regime were released.

Egyptian figures and groups that are not affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood have also criticized the Rabaa massacre. The socialist, secular and liberal groups in the country see the Sisi regime as responsible for the events that occurred in Rabaa Square and have maintained their critical stance against the regime in this regard. As a response to their position, the Sisi regime has widened its oppression against these groups. In recent months, a number of leading figures from the Egyptian socialist and secular movements were arrested as part of a wide-scale crackdown of the opposition. With such a policy, the repressive regime in Egypt has enlarged the path to radicalization in the country. These oppressive policies of the Sisi regime also maintain the continuation of violence and instability in the country.

The Rabaa massacre will always be remembered as a crime against humanity conducted by the post-July 3 military regime in Egypt. With snipers killing hundreds of peaceful protests, people being burnt alive or killed under military vehicles, August 14, 2013, was, without doubt, the darkest day in Egypt’s history. For this reason, despite all efforts of the Sisi regime to live down the massacre, the memory of the Rabaa will live for generations.

Egypt has been witnessing a new wave of political oppression against civil opposition figures. The pressure has intensified following the election of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to presidency in the last election in March. What’s different with the current wave of arrests in Egypt is the fact that the Egyptian regime has been mainly targeting the Muslim Brotherhood so far. However, this time the regime is focusing on secular or socialist activists. This is mainly because of the fact that these activists have been criticizing the Sisi regime and its domestic and external policies. Their successful use of social media and the Internet allowed these activists to spread their criticism to a large audience. The wave of arrests, therefore, could be interpreted as the regime’s new strategy of dealing with the opposition. As the Sisi regime has completed its destruction of the Muslim Brotherhood, it now directs its iron-fist on the secular and socialist opposition.

In early May, the secular activist Shadi al-Ghazali Harb and the revolutionary socialist Haitham Mohamedeen were arrested in the raids on their homes with the accusations of insulting the president and spreading false news with the intent of destabilizing social peace and national security. In another incident a housewife, Amal Fathy, was arrested along with her family for joining a terrorist organization, promoting terrorist acts over the internet, and spreading false news that harms national security and public order. Fathy became popular after she posted a YouTube video in which she detailed how Egyptian men sexually harassed her. Another person arrested with similar charges was the comedian Shadi Ebu Zeyd. He was taken into custody following a raid on his home with around 20 policemen.

As the Sisi regime has completed its destruction of the Muslim Brotherhood, it now directs its iron-fist on the secular and socialist opposition.

Finally, the most prominent activist who was taken into custody during the latest wave of arrests was Wael Abbas, a prominent figure during the 2011 revolution. As a secular activist Abbas was known with his critical stance against corruption, torture and human rights abuses. He severely criticized the government both before and after the revolution of 2011. His criticism towards the Sisi regime was on the basis of human rights issues and mistakes in foreign policy. It is announced that Abbas, who was arrested during the police raid on his house in Cairo, will be tried on charges of spreading false news and forming an illegal organization. In December 2017, Twitter shut the account of Wael Abbas, arguing that the account was violating Twitter’s rules. It is suspected that Twitter may have taken the decision on the request of the Egyptian regime.

Another indication of oppression against regime opponents is the 10-year prison sentence for Ismail Alexandarani, a researcher at the Wilson Center in the United States, known for his work on the North Sinai region. Alexandarani, who was detained at the airport when he was entering Egypt in 2015 and remained in pre-trial detention for 2.5 years, was sentenced by a military court to 10 years in prison for joining a terrorist organization and reporting false information.

A recent arrest of a PhD researcher from Washington University also caused concern. Walid al-Shobaky was conducting field research on the judicial system of Egypt when he suddenly disappeared. On the forth day of his disappearance, the state prosecutor informed his family that he was taken into custody. Following initial investigation the prosecutor decided to arrest al-Shobaky for a 15-day detention. Despite the fact that there was hardly any clear information on the case, he was reportedly arrested with the charges similar to other opposition figures that were previously arrested.

The wave of recent arrests in Egypt is a clear indication of the regime’s intention for continuing oppression against dissidents.

This event reminded another brutal incident that took place three years ago. Giulio Regeni, an Italian citizen and doctoral student at Cambridge University, disappeared in January 2016, while he was conducting field research on trade unions and workers’ associations in Egypt. About a week later, Regeni’s body was found on the roadside outside Cairo. It turned out that Regeni was subjected to torture and was killed. During the investigations, it was alleged that intelligence services had killed Regeni. Egyptian authorities deny allegations.

The wave of recent arrests in Egypt is a clear indication of the regime’s intention for continuing oppression against dissidents. Unlike previous initiatives that were mainly focused on Islamic movements, the Sisi regime will be targeting secular and socialist opposition, hoping to permanently eliminate all kinds of opposition towards the regime. However, such a policy would lead to unification of opposition groups, increasing human rights violations and deepening instability caused by the distrust between state and society.

Egypt has left behind one of the most anti-democratic electoral processes seen on a global level in recent years. Abdalfettah Al-Sisi, who led the military coup in 2013, won the elections held by the junta regime in 2014 and established a far repressive regime in the country than the Mubarak period. By employing all kinds of anti-democratic practices, Sisi’s regime has been at war with democracy. During Sisi’s presidency, the civil opposition came under heavy pressure by the regime, media was taken under government control and civil society has been restricted extensively.

During the past five years, thousands of civilians who were opposing the regime were arrested and tried in military courts. The regime did not (and continues not to) tolerate any opposition against those who are perceived as a threat to the security of the regime. This situation was particularly observed in the period before the 2018 presidential elections. Numerous individuals who announced their intention to run in the elections were either forced to withdraw their candidacy or imprisoned. While the 2018 presidential elections were held in such an environment, the leader of Ghad Party Moussa Mostafa Moussa, who defined himself as a “strong supporter of Sisi,” was the only candidate who could participate in the elections “against” Sisi.

For many, this election has not gone beyond a democratic ritual. This is reflected in the low level of participation. The official figures suggest that voter turnout was 41%. However, many observers claim that turnout was much lower than figures published. On the first day of the voting process, only %7 of Egyptians participated in the elections, displaying a strong message of discomfort against the Sisi regime. In an effort to encourage voters, the Egyptian regime announced that voting is obligatory and individuals that fail to vote, would face a fine.

With this concern in place, many Egyptians went to the polls and cast their votes. The government also arranged free transportation for public and private workers in large cities. There were even reports that the police checked IDs of people at cafes and forced them to go and vote. It was also claimed that in some regions, people who went to vote were paid money or given food aid. Following the vote, it was announced that Sisi, unsurprisingly, won the elections with % 97 of the votes.

These undemocratic course of events in Egypt were not surprising for many in the region. Neither were the reactions of Western states. While Egypt witnessed a guideline example of an undemocratic election process, the Western “democracies” such as the U.S. and the U.K. rushed to celebrate Sisi’s victory. Immediately after the election results were announced, U.S. President Donald Trump and British Prime Minister Theresa May called Sisi to express their support for the “democratization” process in the country. The Portuguese President Marcelo Rebelo de Souza even visited the country to congratulate Sisi in person.

The British Prime Minister’s words for the Sisi regime were of particular interest. During her phone call, Theresa May told that the election was an important step for Egypt’s transformation into a functioning democracy. She further suggested that the result of the election was proof of the Egyptian public’s confidence in their president, Abdalfattah Al-Sisi. May’s comments, which do not have any touch on reality were harshly criticized by many international observers. Critics argued that given the scale of human rights abuses, unlawful practices and oppressive policies conducted by the Sisi regime, Theresa May’s attitude would be considered as disregard to the Egyptians who suffer from this autocratic regime the most.

There are four basic motivations behind the support of U.S. and U.K. governments for the Sisi regime. The first is the fact that Egypt is a crucial partner for the regional interests of these countries. Secondly, Egypt constitutes a major ally with regards to the security of Israel. Third is the fact that Egypt is an irreplaceable actor in the emerging regional alliance between Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Israel and the U.S. Finally, another important motivation for the Western support of Egypt is to prevent the increasing interaction between Cairo and Moscow. It has recently been observed that Russia has increasingly been exerting its influence in the region by deepening relations with Egypt.

The support of Western countries for such an autocratic regime in Egypt would bring costs for them. By neglecting Egypt’s serious problems and not urging the Sisi regime to pursue democratic reforms, these countries contribute to the continuation of political and economic problems in the country. They have been losing the confidence of millions of Arabs in the Islamic world by supporting a regime that ignores democratic values. This attitude will deepen the distrust between the people of the region and the Western governments in the long-run, as opposed to the repressive regimes of these countries.