After More than 30 Years, the Far Right Has Come to Power in Chile
In Chile, the left's campaign failed to offer a positive, transformative program.
Chilean President-elect Jose Antonio Kast leaves the Ministry of Economy after a meeting with Argentine Economy Minister Luis Caputo in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on December 16, 2025. Photo by Anadolu Images.
On December 14, in the second round of Chile’s presidential elections, Jose Antonio Kast, the far-right candidate from the Republican Party, won 58 percent of the vote. He defeated his left-wing rival and ruling party candidate, Jeannette Jara, by a margin of 16 points. This result made history by bringing the far right to power through democratic means for the first time since Augusto Pinochet’s military dictatorship ended in 1990.
This development does not mean that Chile has returned to dictatorship, however. Rather, it represents a serious political defeat and warning for the left. Kast’s success stemmed from his ability to form a broad coalition that garnered support from his own party and other significant right-wing groups. The election results reflect not an entirely right-wing society, but rather the left’s failure to deliver fundamental changes after coming to power following the widespread social uprising in 2019.
The Pinochet dictatorship in Chile lasted from 1973 to 1990, when democracy was restored. Although right-wing governments came to power during this period, they avoided openly defending Pinochet. The reason it is now referred to as the “far right” is because a politician who openly declared himself Pinochet’s heir was elected and advocated harsh, authoritarian “public order” policies. Kast’s failure to criticize human rights violations during the Pinochet era, as well as his attempts to legitimize this legacy, distinguish him from the traditional right and have led to his being labeled as “far right.”
Kast’s victory on December 14, 2025, won by a large margin, is seen as a concrete sign of a strengthening right-wing trend in Chile and Latin American politics. Kast campaigned on issues that have become increasingly prominent on the national agenda, such as security, immigration, and economic uncertainty. These issues resonated with millions of voters. Consequently, for the first time in the post-Pinochet democratic era, a leader who openly advocates for right-wing and hardline policies will take office on January 15.
Mandatory voting benefits the right
In this election, the first in the country to feature mandatory voting, millions of previously apolitical voters turned out at the polls and largely shifted towards the right, drawn by rhetoric about “order,” “security,” and “authority.” This shift was a decisive factor in the election outcome. While Kast’s overwhelming victory does not automatically signal a wave of right-wing support across Latin America, it warns that left-wing governments failing to genuinely transform the system can strengthen the extreme right.
This result is not a coincidence or a momentary outburst of anger but rather the product of a long-standing political process. The failure of the institutional and reformist line — defined as the “Atlanticist left” — to offer society a real, fundamental transformation project paved the way for this outcome on December 14. Public opinion research companies, which had failed in many of their pre-election predictions in Latin America, correctly predicted Kast’s clear victory this time.
What does Kast’s Victory mean for Palestinian policy?
The left’s campaign failed to offer a positive, transformative program. It was largely based on fear of stopping Kast, which was not enough to convince the masses. This defeat is not unique to Chile. It is part of a broader trend linked to the global rise of the far right, supported by the United States and conservative circles. Therefore, Kast’s victory is seen as a result of the left’s political stagnation and lack of direction. Kast’s win also signifies a weakening of Chile’s critical stance on the Palestinian issue and an improvement in relations with Israel. Chile is home to approximately 500,000 Palestinians outside the Arab world.
Left-leaning President Gabriel Boric had described Israel’s attacks on Gaza as “genocide” and recalled the ambassador to Tel Aviv. While the human rights–centered approach of the Boric era will be replaced by a policy that prioritizes security and geopolitical interests, Chile’s strong and organized Palestinian diaspora will continue to be an important factor that partially balances this shift.
Analysts do not view this outcome as unique to Chile. They point to a broader trend of right-wing shifts across Latin America and the rise of the right in countries such as Ecuador, Bolivia, Argentina, and Honduras. The defeat of left-wing parties in many countries is explained by growing insecurity and dissatisfaction with existing political options and demands for tough solutions to security and migration issues. Whether this shift to the right will be permanent, however, depends on whether the new right-wing governments can produce concrete results.
If the right returns to the established order, violent street protests could spell the end for them once again, as has happened before. Therefore, the Colombian elections in five months and the Brazilian presidential election next year have taken on critical importance, as these two countries are important pillars of the left in the region. Colombian President Gustavo Petro described Kast’s victory as “the Nazi remnant has won,” while Brazil and Mexico made more cautious and optimistic statements. Meanwhile, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro described Kast as a fascist and a continuation of the military dictatorship. This result, of course, delighted Argentina’s far-right leader Javier Milei and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, a champion of the right wing.
Why Did the left fail to win in Chile?
From the perspective of left-wing voters, Kast’s victory is seen as a significant defeat that exposed the limitations of a moderate, reformist strategy. Therefore, Kast’s victory is perceived as dangerous for the left because the rhetoric of “order,” “security,” and “toughness” is gaining strength. This increases the risk of pressure on workers’ rights, trade unions, and the student movement, as well as the criminalization of social demands. While this result does not necessarily signify an automatic right-wing wave across Latin America, it serves as a warning that left-wing governments which came to power promising change but failed to transform the system may strengthen the far right.
This outcome is linked to economic uncertainty, rising crime and insecurity, migration issues, and left-wing governments’ failure to meet populist expectations rather than to societies suddenly becoming right-wing. In Chile, for example, the left came to power after the major social upheaval in 2019 but merely managed the system rather than transforming it fundamentally. This has reinforced the perception among large sections of the population that “nothing has changed.” Read alongside similar developments in Argentina, Ecuador, and other countries, this situation reveals that Latin American politics is shifting toward identity, security, and authority. However, this shift is viewed as a temporary but serious disruption caused by the strategic and programmatic crisis of the left rather than a permanent, unidirectional right-wing wave.
Why did the right win?
The far right gained strength in regions with a high concentration of politically disengaged, insecure, and unorganized segments of society and an increased number of compulsory voters. In contrast, left-wing votes were largely preserved in working-class neighborhoods, where the left has traditionally been strong. However, this was not enough to win the election. The Boric government moved closer to the U.S. in foreign policy, reached agreements with employers on economic issues, and failed to resolve fundamental problems. During this time, left-wing candidate Jara distanced himself from the 2019 demands for pension reform and public order policies.
The increased pressure under Kast’s “emergency government” does not start from scratch. Repression of the student movement, dispersal of occupations, militarization of Araucanía, and police impunity were already in place under the previous government. During Kast’s term, the Ministry of Public Security will become more powerful, and the state’s repression mechanisms will become more centralized. However, this does not mean a return to the Pinochet era, as that period was based on a much more comprehensive and overt regime of terror. The Kast government will essentially rely on the existing state apparatus of repression.
(Orignally published in Turkish by Kriter)
