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	<title>Cinema Archives - Politics Today</title>
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		<title>The Resurrection of Palestinian Cinema?</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/the-resurrection-of-palestinian-cinema/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 15 Jan 2023 04:30:38 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Middle East]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Palestinian Refugees]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cinema]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Film]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[palestine]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="200" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/palestinian-film-300x200.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" fetchpriority="high" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/palestinian-film-300x200.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/palestinian-film-768x513.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/palestinian-film.jpg 800w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div>
<p>The cultural war between Palestinians and Israel seems to be taking a new turn.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/the-resurrection-of-palestinian-cinema/">The Resurrection of Palestinian Cinema?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="200" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/palestinian-film-300x200.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/palestinian-film-300x200.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/palestinian-film-768x513.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/palestinian-film.jpg 800w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div><div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div class="vc_row wpb_row vc_row-fluid"><div class="wpb_column vc_column_container vc_col-sm-8 vc_col-sm-offset-2"><div class="vc_column-inner"><div class="wpb_wrapper">    <div class="c-space  c-space--1 c-space--custom"></div>
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">P</span></p>
<p>alestinian cinema was among the first to emerge in the Middle East and North Africa along with Egyptian and Syrian cinemas. Egyptian cinema started production in 1923, followed by Syrian cinema in 1928 and Palestinian cinema in 1935. However, at the time, it was barely possible to separate Palestinian and Syrian national identities, which only emerged after the division of the region by imperial powers. Before then, Palestine was known as “Southern Syria” and was part of Greater Syria, which included today’s Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine.</p>
<p>Yet, with the start of the British mandate in Palestine in 1917 and the French mandate in Syria in 1920, national identities gained a strong meaning. This translated into political, social, economic, and military actions against the imperial powers of the time that acted as if the region was theirs, dividing it in a humiliating manner into chunks of land.</p>
<p>The film industry in Palestine, which in a period of a few years saw a mass displacement of its people, was among the political, economic, and social changes taking place in the region. This mass displacement was reflected in a series of films that addressed the injustice against the Palestinian people alongside their life prior to the Nakba.</p>

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			<p>Read: <a href="https://politicstoday.org/light-in-gaza-writings-born-in-fire/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Light in Gaza: Writings Born in Fire</a></p>

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			<p>The first Palestinian movie theater was established in Jerusalem in 1908 and was known as “Cinematographe Oracle,” showing films on Saturday and Sunday nights. In 1912, a silent movie theater was established in the city, known as the “Cinema International,” where shows were organized based on ticket sales. At the time, these shows were mostly attended by male audiences who came from elite backgrounds.</p>
<p>In 1927, a law regulating movie theaters came to light in Palestine, which established the conditions under which the British mandate authorities were to control the sector.  he first Palestinian filmmaker was Ibrahim Hassan Sarhan, who shot a 20-minute short film of the visit of Saudi King Saud Bin Abdilaziz to Palestine in 1935. Other prominent Palestinians in the field included Ahmad Hilmi Alkilani who graduated from Cairo in 1945, and Muhammad Saleh Al-Kayali, who upon returning from his studies in Italy, established a cinema studio in Jaffa in 1940. He collaborated with the League of Arab Nations in 1945 to produce a film on Palestine.</p>
<p>Although the number of Palestinian films produced before 1948 was limited, the content of these films varied and provided important documentation of life before the Nakba. Such films include <em>Realized Dreams</em>, <em>Studio Palestine</em>, <em>Ahmad Hilmi Pasha,</em> and <em>The Eid’s Night</em>. Palestinian-Egyptian filmmaker Salaheddin Bardakhan produced the film <em>A Night’s Dream</em> in 1946, which was shown in Jerusalem, Jaffa, Amman, and Cairo at the time.</p>

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			<p>Read: <a href="https://politicstoday.org/debunking-israeli-myths-about-the-nakba-denial-does-not-overwrite-history/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Debunking Israeli Myths about the Nakba: Denial Does Not Overwrite History</a></p>

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			<h3><strong>The impact of the Nakba on the film industry in Palestine</strong></h3>
<p>Following the Nakba and the establishment of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1965, more Palestinian films saw the light. The first Palestinian film that was shot under PLO supervision was <em>No to Peaceful Settlement</em> in 1968. At the time, all production units were factional, where the Fatah movement, for example, had its own production unit. The Palestine Film Unit, which was part of the PLO’s research center, published a 12-minute short film about Israel’s occupation of the Gaza Strip in 1967 and its impact on the Palestinian people there. Leftist Palestinian groups such as the PFLP and DFLP had their own production units, and produced films at the time such as <em>The Path</em> in 1973 by Rafiq Hajjar and <em>Our Little Houses</em> in 1974.</p>
<p>A dozen films unfolded carrying titles such as <em>Why We Take Arms</em>, <em>Why We Plant Flowers</em>, and <em>Palestine in the Eye</em>. Arab producers also contributed to the Palestinian film industry at the time; for example, Iraqi producer Muhammed Tawfik who produced dozens of films such as the <em>Child and the Toy</em> (1986), and Syrian Muhammed Malas who produced <em>The Dream of the City</em> in 1983.</p>
<p>With the establishment of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in 1993, the Media and Culture Department of the PLO was converted into the Palestinian Ministry of Culture. In light of limited contributions, the Palestinian “Revolution films” could be considered dead today, as film productions by Palestinian factions outside the PLO are different in their approach and content from the productions of the Palestinian Revolution Cinema, including those produced by Islamic parties.</p>

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			<p style="text-align: center;">Recommended</p>

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/israeli-military-admits-for-first-time-to-firing-on-car-carrying-5-year-old-hind-rajab/" title="Israeli Military Admits for First Time to Firing on Car Carrying 5-year-old Hind Rajab" rel="bookmark">Israeli Military Admits for First Time to Firing on Car Carrying 5-year-old Hind Rajab</a>
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	<div class="entry-meta"><span class="category-link"><a href="https://politicstoday.org/category/middle-east/">Middle East</a></span><a class="author vcard" href="https://politicstoday.org/author/politics-today/" title="View all posts by Politics Today" rel="author">By <span class="fn">Politics Today</span></a></div>
	
	
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			<h3><strong>Emergence of Palestinian Cinema?</strong></h3>
<p>The last decade has seen an emergence of Palestinian cinema which had lost momentum in the 1990s and 2010s. Palestinian filmmaker Elia Suleiman is among the top contributors to the Palestinian film industry with his masterpiece <em>It Must Be Heaven (2019)</em>. In 2022, a storm of pressure on the film platform Netflix was launched after it published <em>Farha</em>, a Palestinian film that narrates the story of a 12-year-old Palestinian child during the events of the Nakba, which saw the displacement of 750,000 Palestinians from their homes prior to the establishment of Israel in 1948.</p>
<p>In the film, Farha’s father hides her in a room to protect her, promising to be back. He is unable to return, and from her room, Farha sees the horrors of the Nakba unfolding in front of her eyes: a Palestinian family is executed in the backyard of her family’s house by a group of Jewish soldiers. The film reveals a snippet of what Palestinian refugees had to endure, while the implications of the Nakba are still very present today. Today, as Israeli politicians who threaten Palestinians with a second Nakba are becoming ministers in Netanyahu’s new government, films like <em>Farha</em> seem even more ominous.</p>
<p><em>Farha</em> and other Palestinian films send a message that the Palestinian film industry is coming back into the spotlight after decades of being almost inactive. The second generation of Palestinian refugees educated itself and the third generation is now taking action, supported by the fine education it has received, which will translate into more Palestinian films and novels in the coming years. The cultural war between Palestinians and Israel seems to be taking a new turn, and it will only become more heated in the coming years.</p>
<p>The fact that<em> Farha</em> is among the top 10 films on Netflix, shows that the Israeli counter-campaign to defame it has failed. As the impact of the Palestinian film and cinema industry increases, more Palestinian films are likely to be made, creating more pressure on platforms by pro-Israeli groups. Yet, the message of <em>Farha</em> has resonated loud and clear: the Palestinian narrative cannot be stopped.</p>

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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/the-resurrection-of-palestinian-cinema/">The Resurrection of Palestinian Cinema?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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		<title>Farha Is A New Milestone for Palestinian Cinema</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/farha-new-milestone-palestinian-cinema/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2023 08:39:42 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Film Review]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Israel]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jerusalem]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Colonialism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cinema]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Film]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Nakba]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[palestine]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://politicstoday.org/farha-new-milestone-palestinian-cinema/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="200" height="300" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/farhafilm-200x300.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/farhafilm-200x300.jpg 200w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/farhafilm.jpg 533w" sizes="(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px" /></div>
<p>The cleverness of Farha is that it takes the complex history of the Nakba and distils it into a single, focused story.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/farha-new-milestone-palestinian-cinema/">Farha Is A New Milestone for Palestinian Cinema</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div><img width="200" height="300" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/farhafilm-200x300.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/farhafilm-200x300.jpg 200w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/farhafilm.jpg 533w" sizes="(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px" /></div><div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div class="vc_row wpb_row vc_row-fluid"><div class="wpb_column vc_column_container vc_col-sm-8 vc_col-sm-offset-2"><div class="vc_column-inner"><div class="wpb_wrapper">    <div class="c-space  c-space--9 c-space--custom"></div>
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">W</span></p>
<p>hen the <em>Guardian</em> reported on the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/nov/30/farha-israel-condemns-new-netflix-film-for-showing-palestinian">negative Israeli reaction</a> to the Netflix release of the film <em>Farha </em>(2021), the debut feature by Palestinian-Jordanian director Darin J. Sallam, they gave away a crucial part of the plot. It is difficult to discern whether this was a deliberate act of sabotage to ruin the film for potential viewers or a clumsy mistake by Bethan McKernan, the <em>Guardian</em>’s Jerusalem correspondent.</p>
<p>What is undeniable is that there has been a concerted effort to rubbish the film and suppress it. Just before the film was released worldwide on Netflix, hundreds of spam accounts left negative reviews on IMDb in what the Middle East Eye described as an “organized campaign.” Furthermore, Avigdor Lieberman, Israel’s minister of finance, described Netflix’s decision to platform it as “crazy.”</p>
<p>So why has this film created so much controversy? Not to repeat McKernan’s mistake, I advise the reader to watch the film before reading any further. I will be analyzing the film in some detail in what follows so as to work out why it has unnerved so many and in order to tackle some of the criticism that has been leveled against it. I first watched <em>Farha</em> on the opening night of the 2022 <a href="https://www.safarfilmfestival.co.uk/">Safar Film Festival</a> in London, knowing nothing about it beforehand—I believe is the ideal way to experience this film.</p>
<p>The film is set in Palestine in 1948. Fourteen-year-old Farha (Karam Taher) wants her father (Ashraf Barhoum), the mayor of their small village, to allow her to continue her education in the city. Her uncle (Ali Suliman) argues in favor of Farha being educated rather than married off and the father eventually agrees. Just as Farha is on the cusp of achieving her dream, her village is attacked by Zionists. It’s a testimony to the filmmaking that you could be fooled into thinking you have seen extensive battle scenes when much of the war is implied through sound rather than image. Farha’s father locks her in a pantry for her own safety and seals the door. He promises to return at a later time.</p>

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			<p>Read: <a href="https://politicstoday.org/light-in-gaza-writings-born-in-fire/">Light in Gaza: Writings Born in Fire</a></p>

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			<p>We begin to feel Farha’s increasing claustrophobia. Everything is a challenge: from finding a light source to collecting rainwater through a hole in the wall and solving the problem of how to go to the toilet in such a confined space. All this happens almost silently or with very effective use of sound. It is pure cinema that allows us to get close to Farha as we experience the visceral intensity of being confined with her. We long for her to find a way to break the door.</p>
<p>Then, through a gap in the door, Farha witnesses the arrival of a family. A woman gives birth. Farha calls out for the father of the family. Just as we think he is going to rescue her, Zionist soldiers arrive. The film goes from second gear into fifth. Every passing second the tension mounts. The danger the soldiers represent is palpable. At one point, a female soldier reaches inside the garment of the Palestinian woman who gave birth and extracts the large, heavy metallic key to her house tied around her neck. The soldier teases her by telling her she can keep it as a souvenir, implying she will never see her home again.</p>
<p>The family is eventually lined up and shot. We don’t see the moment of their execution, only the reaction on Farha’s face as she witnesses the horror. Then comes the crucial part, the part McKernan ruined for the <em>Guardian</em> readers: the newborn baby is left behind. A young Jewish soldier is ordered to kill him without wasting a bullet. He contemplates stomping on the baby, but in the end leaves a handkerchief over him and joins his departing unit. Finally, when Farha finds a hidden gun and blows open the door, she discovers flies feasting on the dead baby’s corpse.</p>

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			<p>Read: <a href="https://politicstoday.org/a-shared-struggle-palestinian-and-irish-hunger-strikers/">A Shared Struggle: How A Book Brought Palestinian and Irish Hunger Strikers Together</a></p>

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			<p>With such a powerful, unflinching story, the Israeli reaction to <em>Farha</em> is perhaps not surprising. The irony is that much of Sallam’s secondary research on the events of 1948, which the Palestinians refer to as “Al-Nakba” (The Catastrophe), came from the work of Israeli historians such as Ilan Pappé. The violent expulsion of some 750,000 plus Palestinians from their villages which led to the creation of Israel is hardly a secret. The Israeli denial is a testimony to the power of the film.</p>
<p>What is surprising are some of the negative reviews the film has received in the Arab press. Some have critiqued the film for pandering to Western orientalism by having a young girl longing to be educated and being denied that right by her Arab community—but those critics misread the early scenes. The film shows Farha’s struggle but also her triumph. She persuades her father to let her be educated and you feel that he is secretly proud of her “stubbornness.”</p>
<p>The film is very clear about the fact that her education wasn’t so much interrupted by her community but by the attack on her village by the occupying forces. The uncle who helped persuade her father to allow her to be educated turns out in the end to be an informant for the Zionist soldiers. This irked some critics who perhaps would have preferred for all Palestinians in the film to be depicted as heroes rather than as complex characters. The uncle, realizing that the Zionist soldiers lied to him about their intention, breaks down at one point. He reminds us that no one thought the destruction of Palestine was going to be so remorseless and complete.</p>

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<style>.c-space--14:before { padding-bottom: 35px; }</style></div></div></div></div><div class="vc_row wpb_row vc_row-fluid"><div class="wpb_column vc_column_container vc_col-sm-12"><div class="vc_column-inner"><div class="wpb_wrapper">
	<div class="wpb_text_column wpb_content_element  c-read" >
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			<p>Read: <a href="https://politicstoday.org/a-dissident-to-lead-all-dissidents-the-legacy-of-jamal-khashoggi/">A Dissident to Lead All Dissidents: The Legacy of Jamal Khashoggi</a></p>

		</div>
	</div>
    <div class="c-space  c-space--15 c-space--custom"></div>
<style>.c-space--15:before { padding-bottom: 45px; }</style></div></div></div></div><div class="vc_row wpb_row vc_row-fluid"><div class="wpb_column vc_column_container vc_col-sm-8 vc_col-sm-offset-2"><div class="vc_column-inner vc_custom_1586006880498"><div class="wpb_wrapper">
	<div class="wpb_text_column wpb_content_element  c-editor-content" >
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			<p>The film was further criticized for being directed towards the Western viewer rather than the Arab viewer. Here, the Arab critics assume that the film’s release on Netflix was inevitable. However, when I met Sallam at the Safar Film Festival, she had no idea what further life the film was going to have beyond the film festival circuit. Netflix is now a global platform and the film was amongst the top ten in several Arab countries, so the implied inauthenticity just doesn’t wash.</p>
<p>There was also criticism that the film focuses on an individual rather than the collective. But before Farha’s confinement, the film allows us to get a sense of her entire community, including Palestinian fighters who visit her mayor father to persuade him, unsuccessfully, to join their fight. Farha is not just a heroine we are rooting for—she is our conduit to the act of witnessing history as it unfolds. The notion that a hero’s journey denies the collective, strikes me, as an insult to the viewer’s intelligence who can discern the collective narrative through the individual.</p>

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</style><div class="blog-shortcode blog-masonry-shortcode-id-151ed1325dc6d4640f94262880b5fa4b mode-grid classic-layout-list jquery-filter dt-css-grid-wrap dt-icon-bg-off resize-by-browser-width loading-effect-none description-under-image " data-padding="15px" data-cur-page="1" data-post-limit="-1" data-pagination-mode="none" data-desktop-columns-num="4" data-v-tablet-columns-num="2" data-h-tablet-columns-num="4" data-phone-columns-num="1" data-width="0px" data-columns="0"><div class="dt-css-grid" ><div class="visible wf-cell" data-post-id="30590" data-date="2026-08-21T08:09:03+03:00" data-name="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation"><article class="post project-odd visible post-30590 type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-security category-news category-turkey category-middle-east tag-turkey tag-middle-east tag-israel pt_topic-human-rights pt_topic-palestine pt_topic-turkish-foreign-policy category-34 category-1 category-4 category-23 description-off" data-name="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation" data-date="2026-08-21T08:09:03+03:00">

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/duran-netanyahus-threats-against-turkiye-reflect-israels-growing-isolation/" class="post-thumbnail-rollover" ><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="preload-me aspect" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/turkiye-duran-760x534.jpg" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/turkiye-duran-760x534.jpg 760w" style="--ratio: 760 / 534" sizes="(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px" alt="" title="Turkiye Duran" width="760" height="534"  /></a>	</div>
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<div class="post-entry-content">

	<h3 class="entry-title">
		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/duran-netanyahus-threats-against-turkiye-reflect-israels-growing-isolation/" title="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation" rel="bookmark">Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation</a>
	</h3>

	<div class="entry-meta"><span class="category-link"><a href="https://politicstoday.org/category/middle-east/">Middle East</a></span><a class="author vcard" href="https://politicstoday.org/author/politics-today/" title="View all posts by Politics Today" rel="author">By <span class="fn">Politics Today</span></a></div>
	
	
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			<p>What is more, from a practical point of view, when making a film on a limited budget, it becomes prohibitive to tell a collective story. The cleverness of <em>Farha</em> is that it takes the complex history of the Nakba and distils it into a single, focused story. Sallam has said in interviews that she inherited the true story, upon which she based <em>Farha,</em> from her family. Had she tried to tell the story in a more collective way, she would have lost her artistic connection to the core of it which is about a teenage girl’s confinement while war breaks out around her. The Arab critics are demanding too much from this single film which is only an hour and a half long, and perhaps their harsh critique is a reaction to being confronted with such a deeply repressed traumatic story.</p>
<p>Another film about the Nakba that I have seen is <em>The Time That Remains</em> (2009), a semi-autobiographical work written and directed by Palestinian filmmaker Elia Suleiman. It is a funny, surreal, subtle film that moves between the events of 1948 and present-day Israel. If a charge can be levelled against <em>Farha,</em> it is that it is not as subtle as<em>The Time That Remains</em> is. Farha is designed to hit you in the gut; it is intended to be a visceral experience, not an act of meditation.</p>
<p>The repercussions of the Nakba sadly remain with us to this day. Every time you see Gaza being bombed or a video of an Israeli soldier executing a Palestinian on Twitter, you’re witnessing the reverberation of the big bang that is the Nakba. Without looking honestly, deeply, and thoroughly at that history, the wounds created by it will never heal. We need more films like <em>Farha</em>.</p>

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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/farha-new-milestone-palestinian-cinema/">Farha Is A New Milestone for Palestinian Cinema</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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		<title>Hatem Ali’s Contribution to a Collective Memory Spirited by Drama, History, and Politics</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/hatem-alis-contribution-to-a-collective-memory-spirited-by-drama-history-and-politics/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Jan 2021 09:20:57 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Middle East]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Society]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Syria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Palestinian Refugees]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cinema]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://politicstoday.org/hatem-alis-contribution-to-a-collective-memory-spirited-by-drama-history-and-politics/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="200" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/hatem-ali-1-300x200.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/hatem-ali-1-300x200.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/hatem-ali-1-768x511.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/hatem-ali-1.jpg 1024w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div>
<p>Since 2012, Ali lived in self-exile which seems to have been a political message of refusing to accept the Syrian civil war which broke out following the 2011 uprising.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/hatem-alis-contribution-to-a-collective-memory-spirited-by-drama-history-and-politics/">Hatem Ali’s Contribution to a Collective Memory Spirited by Drama, History, and Politics</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">T</span>he sudden passing of Hatem Ali, 58, a highly-respected Syrian film director and actor caused a storm in social media in the Arab world with people recalling his legacy and his priceless contribution to cinema. His collective work left a remarkable impact on Arabs’ collective memory.</p>
<p>With his sudden passing in Cairo, Ali left a huge void behind him. Hatem Ali was uniquely multitalented &#8211; he directed, acted, and wrote screenplays – and his cinematic productions tackled important historical, social, religious, and political themes.</p>
<p>The environment in which Hatem Ali was born and grew up is vital to understanding the true importance and meaning of his contribution to Arab and Syrian cinema. He was born to a Syrian family in the Golan Heights in 1962 and at the age of five became a refugee when Israel occupied the territory in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War.</p>
<p>The Syrian director spent most of his teenage life in Al-Hajar al-Aswad, an area which is adjacent to the Yarmouk refugee camp, the largest Palestinian refugee camp in Syria. Palestinian-Syrian director Majed Kayali <a href="https://www.alquds.co.uk/%D8%B1%D8%AD%D9%8A%D9%84-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%AE%D8%B1%D8%AC-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%88%D8%B1%D9%8A-%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%85-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%8A-%D8%A3%D8%B9%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%87-%D9%88%D8%AB%D9%82/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">asserts</a> that Ali attended youth camps organized by the youth wing of the Palestinian Fatah movement in the early 1980s.</p>
<h3><strong>Hatem Ali and Palestine</strong></h3>
<p>The production of <em>Al-Taghreba al-Falastenya</em> (<em>The Palestinian Exile</em>), a 31-episode drama series, is one of Hatem Ali’s greatest contributions. In this drama series, he documented life under the British occupation of Palestine, the creation of Israel, the displacement of the Palestinians, and the daily life in refugee camps after the <em>Nakba</em> (Catastrophe), which describes the mass exodus of Palestinians in 1948.</p>
<p>The series was exceptional in many different ways: the first of its kind, reflective of reality and reviving the memory of younger generations of what had befallen on the Palestinians in 1948, of displacement and destruction.</p>

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			<p>In <em>Al-Taghreba, </em>Ali tackled social, economic, and cultural matters that were crucial for Palestinians. This included the differences between the peasant lives in villages and the urban lives in cities, the conflicts between landlords and peasants, the divisions among Palestinians, and the cultural and linguistic differences among various segments of Palestinian society.</p>
<blockquote><p>
Unlike his character Rushdi who refused to leave his homeland, Ali’s life took a different turn. Since 2012, Ali lived in self-exile which seems to have been a political message of refusing to accept the Syrian civil war which broke out following the 2011 uprising.
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<p>Not only did Ali direct <em>The Palestinian Exile</em> series, which went viral at the time of its broadcasting in 2004, but he also acted in it. Ali played the role of Rushdi, a young man whose father was killed in the fight against the occupying British forces, and who later in 1948 was separated from his mother. Rushdi had to live with his uncles away from his mother whose new place of residence came under Israeli control in 1948. He would only meet her for a few minutes, in 1967, after being smuggled into present-day Israel by a Palestinian-Israeli.</p>
<p>The series ends by Rushdi tearing up an offer letter he receives from Pakistan to undertake his undergraduate studies, sending a message to Palestinians that they should not leave their country despite the difficult conditions of living under occupation.</p>
<p>In 2008, Ali <a href="https://www.alquds.co.uk/%D8%AD%D9%8F%D9%84%D9%85-%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%85-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%8A-%D8%AD%D9%8F%D9%84%D9%85%D9%86%D8%A7-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B0%D9%8A-%D9%84%D9%85-%D9%8A%D8%AA%D8%AD%D9%82%D9%91%D9%82-%D8%A8%D8%B9/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">agreed</a> to direct a TV series based on the <em>Time of White Horses</em>, a novel written by Palestinian novelist Ibrahim Nasrallah, which portrays life in a Palestinian village. However, his dream didn’t come true as certain mainstream Arab TV channels hesitated to produce the series because it was about Palestine.</p>
<h3><strong>Leaving Damascus </strong></h3>
<p>Unlike his character Rushdi who refused to leave his homeland, Ali’s life took a different turn. Since 2012, Ali lived in self-exile which seems to have been a political message of refusing to accept the Syrian civil war which broke out following the 2011 uprising. After 2011, Ali kept moving between capitals without publicly criticizing the Assad government, which didn’t send a representative to his funeral.</p>
<p>In 2015, the Syrian Actors Syndicate <a href="https://mubasher.aljazeera.net/news/2021/1/1/%D9%88%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B9-%D9%85%D9%87%D9%8A%D8%A8-%D9%84%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%85-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%8A-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%AF%D9%85%D8%B4%D9%82-%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%B3%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A9" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">fired</a> Ali and 200 other actors “for not paying their annual fees.” The state-owned media in Syria allocated limited coverage to Ali’s death. This can be taken to be indicative of the regime’s views on Ali, which are similar to those it holds on Jamal Suliman, a well-known Syrian actor and a friend of Ali.</p>

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/duran-netanyahus-threats-against-turkiye-reflect-israels-growing-isolation/" title="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation" rel="bookmark">Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation</a>
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	<div class="entry-meta"><span class="category-link"><a href="https://politicstoday.org/category/middle-east/">Middle East</a></span><a class="author vcard" href="https://politicstoday.org/author/politics-today/" title="View all posts by Politics Today" rel="author">By <span class="fn">Politics Today</span></a></div>
	
	
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">U</span>pon his departure from Syria, Suliman was unable to return to Damascus to bid farewell to his ailing mother. He recalled how she would call him “<a href="https://mubasher.aljazeera.net/news/2021/1/1/%D9%88%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B9-%D9%85%D9%87%D9%8A%D8%A8-%D9%84%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%85-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%8A-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%AF%D9%85%D8%B4%D9%82-%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%B3%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A9" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Abu Saleh</a>,” his name in <em>Al-Taghreba</em>, stressing the importance of the series in the collective memory of the old and young alike.</p>
<p>Ali’s love for Damascus was exceptional. In the two-part drama series <em>The Four Seasons</em>, he detailed the daily life of a family in Damascus. His work could easily be used by anyone looking for references about the daily life in Damascus in the late 1990s and the early 2000s.</p>
<blockquote><p>
In 1998, he directed <em>Al-Zeer Salem</em>, which brought him a lot of fame in the Arab world.
</p></blockquote>
<p>Ironically, and against his dying wish, Ali passed away in a hotel in Cairo, while stopping there to prepare for another drama work. Damascus, which he loved, expressed this love back, with thousands from all walks of life attending his funeral, including actors who are known to be loyal to Bashar al-Assad, in a rare scene that Damascus has not witnessed in nearly 12 years.</p>
<h3><strong>Restaging History</strong></h3>
<p>In addition to his works that tackled social and political issues, Hatem Ali left an important mark on historical drama in the Arab world, narrating important historical events, with his works translated into many languages. In 1998, he directed <em>Al-Zeer Salem</em>, which brought him a lot of fame in the Arab world.</p>

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			<p>The TV drama addresses the events that sparked a 40-year war following the killing of Udai bin Rabia’s brother, highlighting blood feud, a complex phenomenon that predates Islam in the Arab world.</p>
<p>Ali’s contribution to historical drama includes a series on Saladin and his conquest of Jerusalem, and the history of Muslims in Andalusia, including the rise and the fall of Muslim rule there.</p>
<p>Additionally, he directed a drama series about Omar ibn Al-Khattab, the second Caliph of Islam, documenting his life starting from the age of 18 until his death. His works documented the less-known and less-visited history of the Arab and Muslim worlds, including that of Spain.</p>
<p>Just before he passed away, Hatem Ali renewed his two-year Syrian passport. Upon his death in Cairo, his body was transported to Damascus, the city he loved and depicted in his works, to be laid to rest at Bab al-Sghir Graveyard, uniting Arabs and Syrians in a rare scene, and leaving behind important historical dramas.</p>
<p>Hatem Ali was not an ordinary director, but an original and brilliant one, who felt the pain of his people and understood their history. Just as he turned significant historical events into everlasting memories, Hatem Ali’s memory too will be honored by many in the region that will remember him as an outstanding director and actor.</p>

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			<p><strong>VIDEO: </strong>Renowned Syrian director Hatem Ali dies</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/hatem-alis-contribution-to-a-collective-memory-spirited-by-drama-history-and-politics/">Hatem Ali’s Contribution to a Collective Memory Spirited by Drama, History, and Politics</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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		<title>Kingdoms of Fire: The Political Backstage (Part I)</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-part-i/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 26 Oct 2020 13:57:28 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Video]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Middle East]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UAE]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cinema]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Turkey-UAE Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Turkey-Saudi Arabia Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Saudi Arabia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Culture Wars]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[History]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="168" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-300x168.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-300x168.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-1024x573.jpg 1024w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-768x429.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-20x11.jpg 20w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage.jpg 1200w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div>
<p>Kingdoms of Fire is funded by the UAE, directed by a British, and the satellite channel is owned by Saudi Arabia. It is more than just an art that has attracted so much attention due to its funders, timing, and giving a completely different narrative of history. In this video, three experts Dr. Heba Raouf Ezzat, Dr. Vehbi Baysan and Dr. Yenal Göksun explain the political background of this TV drama.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-part-i/">Kingdoms of Fire: The Political Backstage (Part I)</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="168" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-300x168.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-300x168.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-1024x573.jpg 1024w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-768x429.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-20x11.jpg 20w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage.jpg 1200w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/kingdoms-of-fire-the-political-backstage-part-i/">Kingdoms of Fire: The Political Backstage (Part I)</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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		<title>Kingdoms of Fire: History Manipulated (Part II)</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/kingdoms-of-fire-history-manipulated-part-ii/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 25 Oct 2020 15:37:45 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Video]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Middle East]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[History]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UAE]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Turkey-UAE Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UAE-Saudi Alliance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Saudi/UAE Axis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Egypt]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://politicstoday.org/kingdoms-of-fire-history-manipulated-part-ii/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="168" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes-300x168.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes-300x168.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes-1024x572.jpg 1024w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes-768x429.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes.jpg 1200w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div>
<p>Kingdoms of Fire politicizes history and manipulates the past. This may harm the relations between Turkey and Egypt in the long run if not countered by a rational narrative. This historical drama is part of a cultural war going on in the Middle East. In this video, three experts Dr. Heba Raouf Ezzat, Dr. Vehbi Baysan and Dr. Yenal Göksun explain how and why Kingdoms of Fire manipulates the past by politicizing history.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/kingdoms-of-fire-history-manipulated-part-ii/">Kingdoms of Fire: History Manipulated (Part II)</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="168" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes-300x168.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes-300x168.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes-1024x572.jpg 1024w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes-768x429.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/kingdoms-of-fire-behind-the-scenes.jpg 1200w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/kingdoms-of-fire-history-manipulated-part-ii/">Kingdoms of Fire: History Manipulated (Part II)</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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		<title>Coronavirus and the Shift Towards a New Cinema</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/coronavirus-and-the-shift-towards-a-new-cinema/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 13 Jun 2020 03:58:16 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COVID-19]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cinema]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://politicstoday.org/coronavirus-and-the-shift-towards-a-new-cinema/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="200" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/coronavirus-pandemic-covid-19-cinema-industry-new-cinema-300x200.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/coronavirus-pandemic-covid-19-cinema-industry-new-cinema-300x200.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/coronavirus-pandemic-covid-19-cinema-industry-new-cinema-768x512.jpg 768w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/coronavirus-pandemic-covid-19-cinema-industry-new-cinema.jpg 1024w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div>
<p>Paradoxically the global lockdown could potentially create a new, more organic interest, and resurgence in the communal experience that promotional ‘entertainment’ centers and the non-profit independent cinema have been struggling with.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/coronavirus-and-the-shift-towards-a-new-cinema/">Coronavirus and the Shift Towards a New Cinema</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">T</span>he complete stoppage of film production and theatrical releases, due to the coronavirus, has spawned several articles and ideas about the future direction of cinema. The inability to work with other people on set (actors, camera, sound, costume, art departments, etc.) seems an insurmountable challenge to current production methods and the massive economic consequences have created a pessimistic outlook on working in what is generally referred to as ‘the industry’ (and in some ways, erroneously since there are multiple types of them around the world- including within the U.S.).</p>
<p>Alternatively, with a significant portion of the world in lockdown, there has been a massive and exponential increase in the online streaming of new, different and classic cinema as well as a potential expansion of audiences, viewers and markets. The history of cinema is filled with examples of new technologies and cataclysmic events, such as war, radically altering both production and distribution methods.</p>
<p>The advent of sound, post-war Italy and the invention of video are three significant periods in film history that resulted in massive shifts in how films were developed and produced. We are now approaching another significant period that could see a different approach to both the production and distribution of cinema.</p>
<h3>Changing Production Methods: A Short History</h3>
<p>The silent film <em>Sunrise: A Song of Two Humans</em> (1927) by F.W. Murnau showcases the possibilities of a cinematic and storytelling language that has reached a plateau of beautiful and evocative cinematography with lighting and shadows as well as shot selections (e.g. wide, medium, close-up) that both contribute to and open up the narrative. The performance of this film is understated and effective in capturing emotion through movement and expression with minimal use of inter-titles &#8211; in comparison the first sound feature with synchronized talking called <em>The Jazz Singer</em> (1927) was released the same year with a completely different approach.</p>
<div id="attachment_16271" style="width: 710px" class="wp-caption alignnone"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-16271" class="wp-image-16271" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/sunrise-1927-236x300.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="889" /><p id="caption-attachment-16271" class="wp-caption-text">Moonlit characters in German Director F.W. Murnau&#8217;s Hollywood film Sunrise: A Song of Two Humans (1927)</p></div>
<p>The fictionalized film <em>Singin’ in the Rain</em> (1952) gives a technicolor history lesson of Hollywood’s then past and how the advent of sound created a myriad of new problems: bulky, static microphones that picked up unwanted sounds; previously silent film stars suddenly with unusual or accented voices; and a shift in writing from showing the story to ‘telling’ it. These are some of the more obvious dilemmas that occurred with a sudden and dramatic shift to ‘talking pictures’- the result was a loss of stardom for many silent actors and more profoundly a period of stagnation especially in terms of storytelling and cinematography during the 1930s.</p>
<div id="attachment_16273" style="width: 710px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-16273" class="wp-image-16273" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/mic-in-dress-from-singin-in-the-rain-1952-1024x768.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="525" /><p id="caption-attachment-16273" class="wp-caption-text">An over-sized mic inside the costume of the heroine in the Gene Kelly technicolor musical Singin’ in the Rain (1952)</p></div>
<p>The end of WWII lays the foundation for another radical shift in film production methods. Italy had been devastated by the fighting that had seen the Fascists dominate only to be dispersed with the country turning into a battleground between Italian Partisans, invading Nazi regiments and U.S. troops coming from the south. Classical monuments, local neighborhoods and entire cities were left in ruin. London stoically survived, Paris was left psychologically battered but relatively untouched, Berlin was divided by the victors and Japan was rebuilt. Rome and the rest of Italy were largely left to mend themselves. This created a myriad of locations for Italian filmmakers who had been trained in the studio system of the 1930s (ironically with the benevolent association of Vittorio Mussolini who was the second son of the Italian Fascist leader ‘Il Duce’).</p>
<div id="attachment_16274" style="width: 710px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-16274" class="wp-image-16274" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/rome-open-city1945-300x213.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="496" /><p id="caption-attachment-16274" class="wp-caption-text">Youths walk the war-ravaged landscape in Roberto Rossellini&#8217;s groundbreaking Italian Neo-Realist film Rome, Open City (1945)</p></div>
<p>Using large scale cameras, scripted stories and experienced technicians that used the style of the previous decade mixed with a dramatic use of non-professional actors, the use of actual locations of devastated war-torn cities and a myriad of extra people and sights, this confluence of time, place and talent became known as Italian Neo-Realism, and includes directors such as Roberto Rossellini (<em>Rome, Open City</em> &#8211; 1945) and Vittorio De Sica (<em>Bicycle Thieves</em> &#8211; 1948). This cast a long and influential shadow over cinema during the next several decades in terms of both production style and the preponderance of themes related to poverty and desperation.</p>
<div id="attachment_16270" style="width: 710px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-16270" class="wp-image-16270" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/the-bicycle-thieves-1948-300x169.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="394" /><p id="caption-attachment-16270" class="wp-caption-text">The despondent father and son in Vittorio De Sica&#8217;s Italian Neo-Realist classic Bicycle Thieves (1948)</p></div>
<p>The Sony portapak (1967) is in many ways the start date of the video revolution &#8211; a small, affordable video camera with separate VTR (video tape recorder) attached by a cable. The resolution was low by contemporary standards and it originally only recorded in black and white but the technology was still seized upon by artists and filmmakers.</p>
<p>The ability to pick up a camera, shoot and see whatever you wanted without the (burdensome and expensive) process of learning the art of cinematography and waiting for several days to see the footage, appealed to visual artists who alternated between using it for documenting performance art and as part of the work itself.</p>

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			<p>Read: <a title="The Fight Against Social Inequality Is Fundamental to Defeat COVID-19" href="https://politicstoday.org/the-fight-against-social-inequality-is-fundamental-to-defeat-covid-19/" rel="bookmark">The Fight Against Social Inequality Is Fundamental to Defeat COVID-19</a></p>

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			<p>The Korean artist Nam Jun Paik famously created works that made use of video monitors in live multi-media performances such as <em>TV Bra For Living Sculpture </em>(1969) as well as large-scale gallery installations. The early video had its aesthetic despite its limitations &#8211; often hand-held with extreme contrast and sometimes brash colors.</p>
<div id="attachment_16275" style="width: 710px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-16275" class="wp-image-16275" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/nam-june-paiks-electronic-superhighway-300x150.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="350" /><p id="caption-attachment-16275" class="wp-caption-text">Considered a pioneer of ‘video art’ this is one of Nam June Paik’s large-scale installations called Electronic Superhighway (1995, fifty-one channel video installation)</p></div>
<p>Video did not immediately replace film (in fact 16mm documentaries were still the standard in the 1970s and common in the 1980s)- but it has eventually come to dominate every form of Film and TV production just over half a century after the portapak.</p>
<p>Virtually every documentary is now shot on video (it has long been the best choice in terms of cost, accessibility, and flexibility), and almost every feature film is now shot in high-end digital video (albeit in the ‘cinematic’ style of traditional 35mm). Ironically the contemporary genre of ‘artist film’ to be projected in a gallery is the one area where 16mm or 35mm film is now used (mostly as a defining aesthetic to differentiate itself from what is now the dominant medium of video).</p>
<p>We have been living in an electronic age for several decades and home video has also exploded and spread from videotapes (the 1980s-1990s) to DVDs (2000s) and more recent instantaneous streaming.</p>
<h3>More Change To Come?</h3>
<p>When larger crewed productions resume, the sheer volume of canceled or delayed projects seems likely to be drastically reduced due to several factors such as minimized or canceled budgets, compromised locations and the inability to travel to certain regions or countries. Co-productions between countries has been the norm in the 21st century in terms of access to lucrative tax incentives for shooting in a certain state or country but this will likely change. There will be enormous political pressure and accountability in terms of funding and grants, and potentially difficult questions in terms of human logistics as well as things like location insurance and access to buildings and landmarks.</p>

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			<p style="text-align: center;">Recommended</p>

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</style><div class="blog-shortcode blog-masonry-shortcode-id-151ed1325dc6d4640f94262880b5fa4b mode-grid classic-layout-list jquery-filter dt-css-grid-wrap dt-icon-bg-off resize-by-browser-width loading-effect-none description-under-image " data-padding="15px" data-cur-page="1" data-post-limit="-1" data-pagination-mode="none" data-desktop-columns-num="4" data-v-tablet-columns-num="2" data-h-tablet-columns-num="4" data-phone-columns-num="1" data-width="0px" data-columns="0"><div class="dt-css-grid" ><div class="visible wf-cell" data-post-id="30590" data-date="2026-08-21T08:09:03+03:00" data-name="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation"><article class="post project-odd visible post-30590 type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-security category-news category-turkey category-middle-east tag-turkey tag-middle-east tag-israel pt_topic-human-rights pt_topic-palestine pt_topic-turkish-foreign-policy category-34 category-1 category-4 category-23 description-off" data-name="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation" data-date="2026-08-21T08:09:03+03:00">

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/us-debt-crosses-40-trillion-as-fiscal-and-interest-costs-mount/" class="post-thumbnail-rollover" ><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="preload-me aspect" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/us-national-debt-748x525.jpg" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/us-national-debt-748x525.jpg 748w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/us-national-debt-747x525.jpg 747w" style="--ratio: 748 / 525" sizes="(max-width: 748px) 100vw, 748px" alt="" title="US national debt" width="748" height="525"  /></a>	</div>
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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/us-debt-crosses-40-trillion-as-fiscal-and-interest-costs-mount/" title="US Debt Crosses $40 Trillion as Fiscal and Interest Costs Mount" rel="bookmark">US Debt Crosses $40 Trillion as Fiscal and Interest Costs Mount</a>
	</h3>

	<div class="entry-meta"><span class="category-link"><a href="https://politicstoday.org/category/economy/">Economy</a></span><a class="author vcard" href="https://politicstoday.org/author/politics-today/" title="View all posts by Politics Today" rel="author">By <span class="fn">Politics Today</span></a></div>
	
	
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">I</span>n this context a new kind of cinema is ripe to be born both in terms of production and distribution; museums and galleries could take on a larger role in financing and promoting feature films and there could potentially be a kind of re-convergence between art and cinema.</p>
<p>The immediate inclination to create films without a crew points back to some of the early formalist work done by visual artists such as Hans Richter in Germany and Fernand Leger in France (who would take their painterly style and apply it to the new medium of cinema in the 1920s), or by the previously mentioned ‘video artists’ of the 1960s and 1970s where lo-fi works created a new kind of aesthetic. There are numerous examples of filmmakers working this way already and the current conditions could accelerate these trends, such as increased CGI and animated elements, or collaboration that is structured around a post-production exchange of footage, clips, music composition and interactivity.</p>
<p>The slowdown in the pace of life has also allowed many people to fill up their time with reading, listening and watching films again as opposed to simply flicking through clips (something that is surprisingly common in the 21<sup>st</sup> century &#8211; even among students of film).</p>
<p>Streaming sites have been enormously successful over the last half-decade and sites such as Mubi and the Criterion Channel offer more of a world cinema perspective alongside ‘classic’ Hollywood fare. The current streaming bonanza could potentially benefit a direct distribution model for tens of thousands of films (through new and different streaming channels) that have played at film festivals but had a limited reach to their target audience.</p>
<p>The concept of theatrical distribution has also been a hot topic for several years provoking much discussion and writing &#8211; the idea of going to the cinema as a kind of over-priced specialist event (like the Opera) or supporting your local ‘independent’ theatre that seats less than 100 as a kind of good-will gesture, have both been exposed as flawed business models that have been struggling to keep afloat.</p>
<p>Many smaller cinemas in Europe and North America have closed in the last decade and those that have survived are often pushed into watered-down programming choices in an attempt to appeal to as broad an audience as possible, while essentially offering a version of the same content that crowds the larger cinemas.</p>
<p>A decline in large-scale film productions could benefit filmmakers who may be shooting a more intimate and new kind of cinema. In many ways streaming sites, film festivals and museum (cinematheque) programs have already been the last bastion in offering an informed, diverse and experimental choice of feature films outside of the multiplex cinemas. Now may be a time to increase collaboration (streaming festivals online), look for innovation (broadened types of hybrid releases) and even switch economic models (tailored distribution).</p>
<p>Paradoxically the global lockdown could potentially create a new, more organic interest, and resurgence in the communal experience that promotional ‘entertainment’ centers and the non-profit independent cinema have been struggling with.</p>

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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/coronavirus-and-the-shift-towards-a-new-cinema/">Coronavirus and the Shift Towards a New Cinema</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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		<title>&#8220;Artists Should Firmly Stand Against Neighborhood Pressure in Turkey&#8221;: An Interview with Kutlug Ataman</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/artists-should-firmly-stand-against-neighborhood-pressure-in-turkey-an-interview-with-kutlug-ataman/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 11 Sep 2018 01:16:13 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Interview]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[July 15]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Turkish Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cinema]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Film]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://politicstoday.org/artists-should-firmly-stand-against-neighborhood-pressure-in-turkey-an-interview-with-kutlug-ataman/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<div><img width="300" height="218" src="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/aE4IlQuA_0SdJt2mBwm9Ow-3-300x218.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-post-image" alt="" style="margin-bottom: 15px;" decoding="async" loading="lazy" srcset="https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/aE4IlQuA_0SdJt2mBwm9Ow-3-300x218.jpg 300w, https://politicstoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/aE4IlQuA_0SdJt2mBwm9Ow-3.jpg 478w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></div>
<p>During an interview with Isa Tatlican from Sabah, Kutlug Ataman emphasized that artists should not bow down to neighborhood pressure in Turkey.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/artists-should-firmly-stand-against-neighborhood-pressure-in-turkey-an-interview-with-kutlug-ataman/">&#8220;Artists Should Firmly Stand Against Neighborhood Pressure in Turkey&#8221;: An Interview with Kutlug Ataman</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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			<p><span class="r-es-drop-cap">D</span>irector and screenwriter Kutlug Ataman, who was subjected to a lynch campaign by those hegemonizing the cultural industry during the Gezi Park provocations, gives some advice to the artists blacklisted by the left-wing only because they expressed hope about the future of the country, respect to the country’s values and lift the morale of the ones ruling the country: “They should stand up without minding the lynch attempts and be thankful for that they will see their true friends at the end of it. In a nutshell, I suggest all the artists subjected to lynching to trust “Ayse Teyze” (Aunt Ayse), for she knows and understands everything the best.”</p>
<p><strong>You have been away from Istanbul for a while. How does Istanbul look when viewed from Anatolia? What are you doing lately?</strong></p>
<p>Anadolu was once so far away from Istanbul. When I was a child, we used to have 2-3 days of train travels to Anatolia. Then buses came up and the travel time went down to 16 hours. Now, Istanbul is only 2 hours away. I still imagine a Turkey that will necessitate the formulation of this question differently. In other words, I imagine an order in which there is no difference between Istanbul and the rest of Turkey. Big cities have so far survived and made progress thanks to the labor of the locals of Anatolia. And now, the tendency to continue this progress in the east is manifesting itself. Before the FETO (Gulenist Terror Group) insurrection, the idea of Anatolian Tigers sounded very exciting to me.</p>
<p><strong>What has changed with the FETO atrocity?</strong></p>
<p>As already known, even though there has been a decline in the bourgeoisie of other cities with FETO, we are currently in a recovery process and thankfully the threat has been eliminated to a great extent although not yet eradicated completely. Another problem, particularly in the eastern cities, was that they could not develop due to terror and therefore the liberalization seen in big cities was not experienced by them.</p>
<p><strong>What has changed in the east in the recent period?</strong></p>
<p>With the elimination of the FETO threat, it became more evident that a great deal of progress has been achieved in the fight against terror. But it is not yet possible to see a full recovery. The most challenging task of the following period might be instilling the dynamism of big cities to the eastern cities and enabling this dynamism to flourish in an organic way rather than imposing it. In the east, the state is considered the most important locomotive of this change. But I do not think that the state has such a mission. The most important locomotive in this context will be businesspeople with entrepreneurial spirit, whereas the state should function as a regulating and facilitating body.</p>
<p><strong>You moved to Erzincan, but you are still quite active in shooting and producing films. Will you promote any new work in the coming days?</strong></p>
<p>I shot a feature film “Hilal, Feza ve Diğer Gezegenler” (New Moon, Space and Other Planets), which depicts my personal experience throughout the February 28 process, but it is not completed yet. It is a project that seeks to fathom our culture of polarization that is stuck in-between and aligns itself with neither the West nor the East.  Since we did not curry anybody’s favor, we shot it with mobile phones without receiving support from anyone. It was a very demanding process, but the final product is very genuine and exciting. Me and my collaborator Sercan Tevs are now endeavoring to remunerate this support given by our crew. Aside from that, we are making a documentary named “Wild New World,” which is an essay film depicting the neoliberal world and scrutinizing how we ended up with Trump’s America and rising racism in Europe.</p>
<p><strong>You were subject to oppression in Turkey way before February 28, which dates back to the 1980 coup d’etat. Can you talk about those times?</strong></p>
<p>I was not an artist, but a student at the time. On September 12, 1980, fascists staged a military coup controlled by the imperialists, which made everyone’s life miserable, including both nationalists and socialists. Of course, the period leading up to the coup was also very chaotic, but fascism and coup were not the right solution to that. Only imperialists could defend the mindset “set a thief to catch a thief” and Turkey was subjected to a great injustice because of the conniving Turkish oligarchy and the foreign-dependent state. Had the country looked at the past with courage as from the first coup that shook the spirit of the constituent assembly of the Republic, the July 15 coup attempt might have never happened.</p>
<p><strong>I always saw you hopeful in the difficult period between Gezi Park protests and the July 15 attempted coup.</strong></p>
<p>This difficult period will hopefully come to an end. I am hopeful and keep believing despite all the ups and downs. After all, we are all on the same boat. And this situation is not peculiar to our county. All countries face ups and downs through their history. We must stay calm and proceed on our way.</p>
<p><strong>While mainstream political tendencies were in a different direction, you supported students wearing headscarf during the Feb. 28 process. What was your motivation in your support?</strong></p>
<p>It is always prescribed that an artist must be dissident. First of all, I do not act with ready-made prescriptions. My outlook on life does not necessitate being dissident only for the sake of being dissident. I have my own conscience, beliefs and stance. That’s it.</p>
<p><strong>So, what is your stance? </strong></p>
<p>What are my principles? Don’t be a hypocrite, be honest. You must have the courage to frankly express what is right and what is wrong to you. If there is a prerequisite for being an artist, it is nothing but honesty. You do not have to be an artist to be honest, being a decent human being is enough. During the February 28 process, I just spoke out what I believed in and what I found wrong. As I was in Galatasaray High School, I resisted getting my hair cut and I insisted on wearing my colored trousers despite being beaten up for this reason. There was already no difference between my own experience and the people whose futures were darkened due to their headscarf or religious beliefs. Others were being subjected to what I went through at the time. I did not care whether they would jail me, I stood up.</p>
<p><strong>We know your opinion on coups. What do you think about the July 15 coup attempt?</strong></p>
<p>Every cloud has a silver lining. So, we must also be grateful for the bad things happening to us. The biggest difference of the July 15 from the previous coup attempts was that the source of the danger was outside the country, which was quickly grasped by the people and the enemies could be thwarted thanks to that. I must admit that I also suspected the military in the first place due to our past experiences since the military has always been the first institution that comes to mind in Turkey if a coup is in question. But it turned out in a short while that it was a terrorist insurrection organized against and despite the military.</p>
<p><strong>What would have happened had FETO achieved to stage a coup?</strong></p>
<p>If we could not have repelled the July 15 attempt, we might not be here today. Turkey would either be in a deep and desperate darkness or had already been dissolved. But we have overcome the threat by growing stronger. Thank goodness! Today, every segment of society including pro-government and dissident groups are explicitly using the word FETO. Of course, a complete purge could not be achieved yet whereas many people were subject to unjust treatment. But since 250 people were killed in the incident, I do not want to underline the unjust treatments I have been subject to.</p>

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/duran-netanyahus-threats-against-turkiye-reflect-israels-growing-isolation/" title="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation" rel="bookmark">Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation</a>
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	<div class="entry-meta"><span class="category-link"><a href="https://politicstoday.org/category/middle-east/">Middle East</a></span><a class="author vcard" href="https://politicstoday.org/author/politics-today/" title="View all posts by Politics Today" rel="author">By <span class="fn">Politics Today</span></a></div>
	
	
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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/israel-faces-international-criticism-over-strikes-on-syria/" title="Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria" rel="bookmark">Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria</a>
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			<p><strong>After July 15, the U.S. and the EU abruptly changed their approach to Turkey? What do you think about the motivation behind this sudden change of behavior in the West?</strong></p>
<p>The word “West” is actually self-explanatory. The “West” according to whom? No matter whether they are right-wing, left-wing, or liberal, the Western people have a perspective in their cultural codes that distinguishes the “West” from the rest. This perspective is deliberately not scrutinized even by their “intellectuals” since they like to use it to their advantage. As a person who has lived in Europe and America for 30 years, I even felt this cultural code in my own case.</p>
<p><strong>Can you open this up a bit more?</strong></p>
<p>This is the first group. And now place the identity of a Turkish intellectual who imagines him/herself as a component of the West for years but could not achieve it, who is not wanted by the West and therefore does not feel comfortable. This segment, which is local but still domineering the country, has always looked down on their own people due to a serious inferiority complex caused by this feeling of incompetence against the West. How could the relation between the West and this segment be?</p>
<p><strong>Who is this intellectual segment?</strong></p>
<p>I am afraid the “enlightenment” who domineered the country for years was actually pitch-black darkness. Of course, this is a rough generalization. There have always been exceptions, but some of these exceptions were not considered “intellectual” enough as they even attempted to lynch a Nobel laurate. This segment’s relation to the West consists of unquestioning submission. This country may be the only one in the world unquestioningly assuming that what comes from the West is always right. Are they any different from those thinking that everything about the West is wrong? I do not think so. This is a serious inferiority complex, and their approach turned into a “complaint industry” in time due to the coups and other kinds of oppressive practices in the country. Complaining has been regarded as an art form. Everyone touching on any other theme was blacklisted and played down for “making art for art’s sake.”</p>
<p><strong>Isn’t it problematic to narrate the unjust suffering of only one side while complaining about the country to the West?</strong></p>
<p>Does Turkey not have problems to complain about? Of course, it does. But in the context of unjust suffering, they were always asked to tell only one side’s suffering and experience. For some reason, Western liberal values like questioning, discussing and being impartial only applied to the West as they turned a deaf ear to one side in our country. Opposing every discourse that criticizes the West was prescribed as a duty of our intellectuals and artists.</p>
<p><strong>And those not conforming to that were blacklisted.</strong></p>
<p>Exactly. Those who did not conform to that were blacklisted as “libos” (a Turkish slang word used for liberals in a derogatory way), “pro-government” and “nationalist.” As of late, even foreign funders started saying that they would support us only if we make a film against the government in Turkey. They recklessly ordered me to do this. What they mean is: Either you become our supporter, or we do not make any co-production. Of course, we refused to obey this and shot our film with mobile phones. But there is also the other side of the coin. From right-wing to left-wing groups and the state, this is the fault of everyone making us need the West. Hopefully, we will turn into a society that respects and supports artists of every opinion and bring an end to this vicious circle. In short, the approach of the West did not change after the July 15 attempt, they only started to speak more frankly.</p>
<p><strong>You were stigmatized for various reasons in Turkey. In that sense, you are among the first victims of peer pressure. How did this pressure affect you?</strong></p>
<p>In fact, I did not understand much when the lynch campaign started. I love working and sometimes I scarcely have time to breathe. And that incident coincided with such a period. During the Gezi Park protests, some names who acted as mouthpieces of certain groups tried to defame me by claiming that I opposed to the protests since I could not sell my art. The institution I spoke about threatened to sue me, but of course they couldn’t since I kept the e-mails they formerly sent me about their “prescriptions”. They tried to denigrate me but ended up being the losing party. During that period, some professional jealousies that I had not noticed before started to surface to my surprise. The next thing I remember was everyone’s organizing petitions against me. I must admit that I had not known they cared so much about me until then.</p>
<p><strong>What did you do against this lynch campaign?</strong></p>
<p>You must above all protect your self-esteem. I openly express what I believe in and no one can intimidate me. They tried to beat me up but failed. The “dissident” artists who received multi-million TL worth funds from ministries tried to label me as “pro-government,” and they failed too. But I am still here, working both in the East and the West even more than before while these people are either hiding or ashamed of their actions. It was like a flood that hit me. I could not understand what exactly was happening at that moment. But it had a good side since it cleared away the useless and insincere burdens in my life and when it was over, only real friends standing beside me were there. I have to say that I was distressed a little, but this is how a flood comes. What doesn’t kill you makes you stronger. And what if it killed me? I would only say that my time has come.</p>
<p><strong>Recently, some others have also been subjected to peer pressure. What do you suggest to them?</strong></p>
<p>There is a saying I like very much: If you can’t stand the heat get out of the kitchen. Our country is undergoing a series of radical changes. If you are an artist in such a country, being confronted with such things is unavoidable. Of course, peer pressure, exclusion and lynching are fascistic practices. It will be more relevant to call them pathological conditions. Can you imagine what would happen if these people come to power?</p>
<p><strong>Why did they grow so aggressive?</strong></p>
<p>These fascists formed a republic of fear in their own power domain, which is on the wane. As their power domain declines, they get more aggressive against the “other” while making life unbearable for one another. I prefer to stay calm by trying to be sympathetic because I learned to be unperturbed since I am afraid of my own anger. So, I just say that we must look at them from the perspectives offered by sociology. A segment who thought themselves as ruling power came to lose their grip as they started to see that their self-perception was not accurate, and they did not actually have a function in society. The West also does not support their attitude any longer. They utter threats like leaving the country, but no one cares, and European countries they want to go to don’t grant them visas. The political party who organized the lynch campaign is about to dissolve.</p>
<p><strong>What do you think a person subjected to lynch should do in the first place?</strong></p>
<p>They should stand up without minding the lynch attempts and be thankful for that they will see their true friends at the end of it. In a nutshell, I suggest all the artists subjected to lynching to trust “Ayse Teyze” (Aunt Ayse), for she knows and understands everything the best.</p>

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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/artists-should-firmly-stand-against-neighborhood-pressure-in-turkey-an-interview-with-kutlug-ataman/">&#8220;Artists Should Firmly Stand Against Neighborhood Pressure in Turkey&#8221;: An Interview with Kutlug Ataman</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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		<title>The Plural States of Cinema in Turkey</title>
		<link>https://politicstoday.org/the-plural-states-of-cinema-in-turkey/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Politics Today]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 16 Sep 2017 02:10:59 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Finance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Warner Bros.]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Cinema]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cinema]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Yesilcam]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Film]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hollywood]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mars]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Turkish New Wave]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Turkey]]></category>
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<p>Yeşilçam cinema was a particular mode of filmmaking which had developed its own unique, homegrown film language, utterly different from the Western conventions of filmmaking. Instead of relying upon classic Hollywood cinema’s strict practices of continuity editing and the creation of cinematic illusionism, Yeşilçam offered a modest yet ingenuous vocabulary of storytelling.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/the-plural-states-of-cinema-in-turkey/">The Plural States of Cinema in Turkey</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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			<p>“Whither Yeşilçam?” was a question asked frequently in the 1980s and 1990s – until it was realized that Yeşilçam, the popular film industry of Turkey, was indeed gone for good. Yeşilçam cinema was a particular mode of filmmaking which had developed its own unique, homegrown film language, utterly different from the Western conventions of filmmaking. Instead of relying upon classic Hollywood cinema’s strict practices of continuity editing and the creation of cinematic illusionism, Yeşilçam offered a modest yet ingenuous vocabulary of storytelling. Although some of these conventions were simply not adopted for practical and economic reasons (resulting in a lack of dubbing, poor special effects, and continuity mistakes), the quirks of Yeşilçam cinema also emerged as a continuation of the longstanding practices of the literary and performative arts in Turkey.</p>
<p>While Yeşilçam was gone for good, popular cinema in Turkey reemerged in a different form in the second half of the 1990s. This comeback triggered new questions at the turn of the millennium. Was this a “new” cinema? What made it new? Is it a movement similar to various movements which are called “new:” Italian Neorealism, French, British and Czech New Waves, Cinema Novo, Nuevo Cine Mexicano, New German Cinema, and New Hollywood? Is it less a movement than just a way of understanding the ongoing transformation of cinema after the demise of Yeşilçam?</p>
<p>There have been two intertwining arguments about the newness of cinema in Turkey: one revolved around the longstanding separation between art house and popular cinema (less evident in the Yeşilçam era) and the other, to which I will return at the end of this article, around a larger socio-political backdrop in relation to the transformations in the definitions of identity. At the time, the post-Yeşilçam era (i.e., since the 1990s) seemed to clearly separate popular filmmaking practices including production, distribution, and exhibition network and those of the art house and/or festival cinema. For some, popular filmmakers are seen in part as a continuation of Yeşilçam, while the “new cinema” encompasses art house and festival films. Obviously, this rendering of new cinema was a result of changing filmmaking practices (the introduction of international funds like Euroimages, new co-production dynamics, filmmakers having multiple passports and identities, and the minority filmmakers). However, while this initial separation was also about a struggle to “name” the changes and the transformations in the sociocultural practices, it later left its place to further bifurcations.</p>
<p>In my book , <em>Cinema in Turkey: A New Critical History</em>, which was published in 2011, I termed this era post-Yeşilçam or the New Cinema of Turkey. However, when I look back to this now, it might have been more accurate to identify the decade from the early-1990s to the mid-2000s as properly post-Yeşilçam (Burçak Evren initially noted this term) and what happened since then as a more pluralistic and competitive phase. To put these in perspective, the initial turn at the box-office took place between 1996 and 2002 with almost ten films selling over a million tickets. This initial wave of box-office success took another turn in 2003 with five films selling over a million tickets and the top two billed around 4 and 3 million tickets respectively. This continuous rise at the box-office culminated into high marks and since 2013, around ten domestic films are selling over a million tickets every year.</p>
<p>As Deniz Yavuz noted in his report on the “Last Five Years of Turkish Cinema in the Digital Age,” while on average 173 domestic and international films were released in Turkey between 1990 and 2003, since 2004 this average increased to 278 films. Additionally, the average number of domestic films shown at film theaters since 2007 is around 82, while this figure between 1997 and 2006 was only around 17. When one also looks at the annual total domestic and international ticket sales figures, since 2007 this figure was always above 30 million and it also exceeded the 50 million mark since 2013. Interestingly enough, when one looks at the tenth film at the box-office in those years, we have a sharper rendering of this change. Until 2003, the tenth highest grossing film consistently sold fewer than 80 thousand tickets. The tenth film sold over 250 thousand tickets in 2003 and since 2005, this figure was always more than at least 300 thousand tickets. This has also meant that since 2004, no art house and festival films found a place among the top ten grossing domestic films.</p>

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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/duran-netanyahus-threats-against-turkiye-reflect-israels-growing-isolation/" title="Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation" rel="bookmark">Duran: Netanyahu’s Threats Against Türkiye Reflect Israel’s Growing Isolation</a>
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	<div class="entry-meta"><span class="category-link"><a href="https://politicstoday.org/category/middle-east/">Middle East</a></span><a class="author vcard" href="https://politicstoday.org/author/politics-today/" title="View all posts by Politics Today" rel="author">By <span class="fn">Politics Today</span></a></div>
	
	
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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/israeli-military-admits-for-first-time-to-firing-on-car-carrying-5-year-old-hind-rajab/" title="Israeli Military Admits for First Time to Firing on Car Carrying 5-year-old Hind Rajab" rel="bookmark">Israeli Military Admits for First Time to Firing on Car Carrying 5-year-old Hind Rajab</a>
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	<div class="entry-meta"><span class="category-link"><a href="https://politicstoday.org/category/middle-east/">Middle East</a></span><a class="author vcard" href="https://politicstoday.org/author/politics-today/" title="View all posts by Politics Today" rel="author">By <span class="fn">Politics Today</span></a></div>
	
	
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		<a href="https://politicstoday.org/israel-faces-international-criticism-over-strikes-on-syria/" title="Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria" rel="bookmark">Israel Faces International Criticism Over Strikes on Syria</a>
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			<p>While this picture seems quite bright, total ticket sales in Turkey is low in comparison to some major film countries such as the United States, France, Japan or India. Moreover, the majority of domestic productions still do very poorly at the box-office. Despite this, the continuation in the high number of domestic productions is enabled by the low cost of digital filmmaking technologies, market proliferation (the films are also making money through different channels such as sales of film rights to television, cable networks, IPTV, and even transportation companies), the influx of numerous young, first-time filmmakers, and finally non-profit oriented funding schemes (oftentimes, various filmmakers cover the total or the majority of the cost of their production through the Ministry of Tourism and Culture or other international funds).</p>
<p>Together, such changes in the production and exhibition of films show us that since the mid-2000s, the industry in Turkey not only rejuvenated itself but has also diversified in terms of production practices and filmic narratives. Unlike in the early post-Yeşilçam era where there was a straightforward separation between major popular filmmaking and art house cinema, now we have a more complicated picture: high budget popular films produced by major production houses, mid-range popular and independent films produced by different production companies, first-time filmmakers often relying on governmental and private funds and finally, established art house directors doing co-productions by utilizing domestic and international funds, as well as festival exhibition and award incomes.</p>
<p>Thus, the major productions are better organized and monitored in economic terms by practices unprecedentedly similar to those in Western countries: major local production companies use higher budgets (although still much lower than those in Western countries), employ star actors and better film crew and equipment, and market the films aggressively. The majority of Turkish film distribution and exhibition in Turkey is currently controlled by international companies (e.g., Warner Bros., UIP, Mars) which also help monitoring the market more closely with better data. A similar claim might also be made for established art house productions which are realized through better co-production mechanisms. However, the mid- to low-budget popular, independent, and first-time filmmaker films are the current wild world of production. These risky and poorly planned productions experience huge difficulty in terms of distribution and exhibition.</p>
<p>When one looks at the films themselves, in the last decade, usually half of the top ten grossing films are comedies. A few are dramas, often revolving around a love story. A few feature action-adventures (historical and crime). Horror films and documentaries are rare. On the other hand, established art house directors belong to what one might call as either “World Cinema” or as the Turkish New Wave, similar to recent new waves from various non-Western European countries such as Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Romania, and Iran. As for the mid- to low-budget popular and independent films, the picture is less bright and only a handful of them are successful either at the box-office or the international festivals.</p>
<p>One question that one might ask here is the following: while the contemporary Turkish TV series are doing very well internationally and while art house films perform reasonably well at international film festivals, why is this not the case for the top ten grossing films? A basic and straightforward answer to this question has to do with belonging and identity: both the TV series and art house films belong to readily accepted, clear-cut categories, the former to televisual melodrama (telenovelas, soap operas) and the latter to non-Western new wave cinemas. However, the top ten domestic films of the last decade are still very local in terms of their identity politics and cultural references. If they try to be global in terms of their storytelling and appeal, they are not strong enough to stand the competition coming from Hollywood, French and British comedies or dramas which have better production quality and a higher global appeal. It can be suggested that this also has a lot to do with the contemporary identity politics of Turkey, which is still laden with and driven by various domestic and regional problems. In this regard, what seems to be more necessary than ever is to address global issues and themes in popular cinematic narratives.</p>

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</div><p>The post <a href="https://politicstoday.org/the-plural-states-of-cinema-in-turkey/">The Plural States of Cinema in Turkey</a> appeared first on <a href="https://politicstoday.org">Politics Today</a>.</p>
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