Two years ago, on July 15, Turkey experienced a vicious coup attempt in its rather substantial history of coups. This coup attempt was more similar to the May 27, 1960 coup when compared to September 12, 1980, as the latter was realized within the chain of command. The July 15 coup attempt was perpetrated by a seemingly religious group, a criminal cult with civilian affiliates that had infiltrated not only the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) but all state institutions makes it unique. During that night, unarmed public and the Parliament were attacked for the first time in Turkish history of coups. This coup, however, was thwarted with the courage of the Turkish people and the determination of the political will. Nevertheless, a challenging process of cleansing state institutions from FETO members and mending the wounds left by the coup attempt had followed.

Re-establishing the public order and incapacitating the putschists were prioritized; without delay, the government began to remove FETO members from state institutions. Following the TAF’s cleansing, FETO-affiliated civil servants in all institutions, especially in the judiciary and the security forces, were removed according to the law, and administrative and legal processes were initiated. However, this was only the beginning. To be able to eliminate this threat efficiently, the Council of Ministers gathered under President Erdogan’s lead announced a three-month state of emergency in all cities of Turkey on July 20.

The state of emergency’s proclamation was preferred because of the extent of the threat and the counter-measures needed to be implemented against it. This coup attempt wasn’t realized only by a limited military junta organized under the TAF – it was perpetrated by a secretive and insidious organization that infiltrated public institutions. Infiltrating the TAF over numerous decades and operating in a clandestine way, the extent and capability of this organization was unclear. Investigations on and operations against this organization show that FETO is yet to be deciphered completely.

During the coup attempt, along with previous events, we have seen the existence of judges, prosecutors, security force members and high-ranking state officials, which unquestioningly obey every whim of FETO leader, Fetullah Gulen. Captured at the “command center” of the coup attempt and later identified as FETO’s TAF imam, Adil Oksuz, was released by judges despite the legal consequences. Similarly, two military prosecutors went to the Akinci Airbase on the day after the coup, destroyed the evidence there and escaped from Turkey.

Along with these, a police officer assassinating Russia’s Ambassador to Turkey, Karlov, indicated the threat FETO posed. It was clear that this organization, which could hurt Turkey’s security and peace with sabotages, assassinations or suicide bombings should be eliminated with a long-term plan. Moreover, the PKK and Daesh were increasing their pressure on the region, terrorist threats were emerging from Syria and Iraq and cross-border operations were taking place during this period. All of these made the state of emergency a necessity.

Turkey’s state of emergency and terror groups

The state of emergency is a mechanism employed when a state faces an adversary or a threat that cannot be eliminated through common and conventional legal measures. The main characteristic of this mechanism is that it increases state authority which, in turn, allows the state to eliminate the threat more easily. State of emergency is implemented and maintained by constitutional institutions in accordance with the respective laws in the constitution. Therefore, it doesn’t mean undemocratic, unlawful and arbitrary usage of power. Constitutional rights, the rule of law and legal supervision of all state institutions are maintained. In addition, state of emergency is a procedure that is included in the constitutions of all democratic states with the rule of law and no state hesitates to implement it when necessary.

According to the 1982 Constitution, Turkey had two emergency administrative procedures: state of emergency and martial law. Martial law was abolished with the constitutional amendment approved in the April 16 referendum. Therefore, the state of emergency is the only emergency administrative procedure. The constitution foresees that the Council of Ministers gathered under the lead of the president may proclaim a state of emergency with the condition of being limited to 6 months at a time. This decision is published in the official gazette and immediately submitted to the Parliament for ratification. The Parliament can alter the length of the state of emergency – upon request of the Council of Ministers, the Parliament could prolong the state of emergency up until four months at a time or could remove it. In this respect, the Parliament has the final say over the state of emergency. In fact, the Parliament prolonged the state of emergency by three months seven times upon requests of the Council of Ministers in the past two years.

Regarding matters of the state of emergency, the Council of Ministers under the leadership of the president may proclaim executive orders without requiring an empowering law ratified by Parliament. Even though it’s claimed that the executive orders proclaimed during the state of emergency bypass the Parliament, executive orders are submitted to the Parliament and it has the authority to alter, decline or approve them. Indeed, the Parliament has approved all state of emergency executive orders after discussions, rendering them eligible for the supervision of the Constitutional Court. Therefore, both the legislative and the judiciary is able to audit these executive orders. Meanwhile, there are three or four decades old executive orders, which are yet to be audited by the Parliament.

The state of emergency targeting  state or society?

It has been expressed that the most prominent characteristic of the state of emergency is the increasing authority on the part of the state. The extent of this authority and how it should be exercised is regulated by the State of Emergency Law No.2935. Despite the authority endowed to the state by the law, it was exercised in a way to not interfere with the everyday life of the people and to facilitate the fight against FETO. After the events during which police officers and the military clashed, the necessary and efficient precautions to have healthy investigations on thousands of suspected military and police officers, civil servants and civilians, to reestablish public order and to reinvigorate the economic life were implemented with the state of emergency.

It should be underscored that the exercise of authority during the state of emergency is supervised by the judiciary. Only the state of emergency executive orders were exempted from legal supervision of the Constitutional Court. However, as this caused apparent issues, the State of Emergency Commission was established and this commission paved the way for legal supervision.

In a region that is mired with civil wars and various terrorist threats, Turkey faced a military coup attempt and thwarted the short-term threat with sacrifices made by the state and its people. However, the past two years have shown that this is actually a long-term threat that needs to be fought with determination. Despite being occasionally criticized, the state of emergency was received rather well by the public. Nevertheless, prior to the June 24 elections, President Erdogan expressed that they would discuss the annulment of the state of emergency after the elections. Following the elections, former Deputy Prime Minister Bekir Bozdag stated that there was a will to remove the state of emergency and that its schedule would be discussed. If the state of emergency which is to end on July 18 isn’t extended again or the Parliament votes against its extension, it will be annulled. Thus, the state of emergency will be possibly annulled on July 18, if there isn’t any drastic change. It could be expressed that the state will continue to fight against terrorism with determination regardless of the statement of emergency.

As the series of trials continue in Turkish courts, a court in Izmir sentenced the lawyer of Fetullah Gulen, the criminal cult leader of Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), to 12 years in prison. The lawyer Feti Ün was slapped a sentence of eight years in jail initially, but it has now been increased to 12 years in accordance to the Counterterror Act.

Following last year’s failed coup attempt by FETO, the Turkish government and security agencies have taken a range of steps to weed the terrorist elements out of different social, education and security institutions.

Although Gulen himself is based in the United States, his vast network is spread across the world, but its form had been strongest in Turkey. By tacking a wide range of steps, the Turkish government is working to prevent future attacks on the Turkish state.

The lawyer’s sentencing coincided with many other trials in which a number of policemen and soldiers were sentenced for coup related criminal charges and their links with FETO.

A Konya court sentenced six former police officers and the former assistant police director of Konya’s Aksehir district and a former security chief, separately. The sentences range from six years and 10 months to seven years and six months over FETO links.

A Samsun court also jailed a former doctor to six years and three months in prison for being members of an armed terrorist organization.

Meanwhile, eight of 36 suspects on trial concerning Turkey’s Central Bank staff in Ankara were released under judicial control.

Although the country paid a heavy price for resisting the July 15, 2016- coup attempt, that left 250 people martyred and some 2,200 injured, Turkey is expected to emerge stronger as the government takes on all the associated elements strongly.

*Written by Waseem Ahad. 

According to information from a Turkish judicial official, the European Court of Human Rights has rejected around 25,000 applications from Turkish nationals, all related to last year’s coup attempt.

The court declined to hear the cases on the grounds that the applicants had failed to exhaust judicial procedures in Turkey.

Thousands of people across Turkey have been arrested or dismissed from their jobs over links to the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), which staged last year’s bloody coup attempt, which left 250 people martyred and nearly 2,200 injured.

It was also added that the curt referred to this procedure in its rejection of cases.

On Tuesday Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirm urged the United States judiciary to immediately extradite Fetullah Gulen, the U.S.-based criminal cult leader, whose clandestine organization (FETO) attempted a military coup in Turkey last year.

Speaking to the reporters at Ankara’s Esenboga Airport before embarking on the US visit, Yildirim said there were piles of files, enough to prepare for FETO leader’s extradition. “The judiciary in the U.S. should take immediate legal action and do what’s necessary,” he said.

250 people were killed and nearly 2,200 others injured while resisting the July 15 coup attempt in Turkey in 2016.

The visit of Turkish Prime Minister to the U.S. comes against the backdrop of the visa crisis between the two countries that was set off after Turkish staff at the U.S. mission were arrested two months ago for their ties with FETO. While the visa services were though partially restored on Monday, the PM’s visit is expected to further improve the relationship between the two NATO allies.

However, Yildirim promptly dismissed the statement made by the U.S. Embassy about “high-level assurances” from Turkey and that the country will give advance notice of any detentions or arrests of local staff members in the future.

Yildirim called for the respect for Turkey’s principles of law on the part of U.S., citing the example of the arrest of two bodyguards of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on his visit to the U.S.. “The legal process is underway in line with the principles of the state of law in both countries. Therefore, negotiations demanding mutual assurances are not needed,” said Yildirim.

The agenda of the visit where Yildirim is expected to meet U.S. Vice President Mike Pence to discuss a range of issues which include Syria, Iraq, FETO, PYD, YPG, and refugees.

1,837 FETO suspects appear in court

Meanwhile, at home in Turkey the trials of 1,837 FETO coup suspects began on Monday in the Sincan Criminal Courthouse complex, which hosted six separate trials. The trials include FETO’s involvement in the Turkish General Staff, Akinci Airbase, Gendarmerie Schools Command, and Turkish Military Academy as well as the Polatli 58th Artillery Brigade, Artillery, and Missile School Command.

Appearing in court were 221 suspects in the General Staff case, 486 suspects in the Akinci Airbase case, and 239 suspects in the Military Academy case. Also, the trial of 330 suspects from the 58th Artillery Brigade along with the Artillery and Missile School Command in the capital Ankara’s Polatli district is also continuing.

In two separate criminal courts in Sincan, 317 suspects and another 244 suspects in the Gendarmerie Schools Command Case appeared before a judge.

In the Akinci Airbase case, former Brig. Gen. Gokhan Sahin Sonmezates, accused of attempting to assassinate Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan during the defeated coup, made his plea.

During his hearing, Sonmezates refused to answer any questions from the judge or prosecutors.

Tensions in the court room later rose as some of the complainants and suspects were evicted from the courtroom.

The court decided to reconvene for the Turkish General Staff main coup-plotters case on Tuesday morning. The hearing of the Gendarmerie Schools Command case ended after the identification of 244 suspects, and the chief judge decided to reconvene on Tuesday.

While a year has passed since the July 15 coup attempt, trials, especially those in Istanbul and Ankara, are proceeding swiftly. While there are newly opened cases, there are also those that have been concluded and upheld by the Supreme Court. The leading trials in Ankara and Istanbul along with the Akıncı Airbase trial continue with the defenses of the suspects. Despite factors including the hardships faced by the judiciary due to the increased workload following the dismissal of judges, FETO’s secretive and insidious nature, negative publicity abroad and multiple threats within the country, the coup attempt is being successfully fought against in courtrooms. Cem Duran Uzun, Dr. at the Faculty of Law at Çankaya University, spoke with Dr. Hüseyin Aydın, the attorney of President Erdoğan who is observing the trials, about the status of the coup attempt trials, uncovered truths, issues that are being faced, the performance of the judiciary and the future of the trials.

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The fight against FETO will take time

Mr. Aydın, at which stage are we in coup attempt trials and the fight against FETO? Could you outline the process?

First of all, we have to distinguish the fight against FETO and the coup attempt trials chronologically. In terms of administrative and legal proceedings, the fight against FETO goes back farther than the latter. We can mention December 17-25 as the date the fight against FETO took a new dimension. In this respect, we should evaluate the period between December 17-25 and July 15 and the period following July 15 separately. The successfulness of the fight and their conception is completely different than each other. In the former, even though President Erdoğan underscored the threat posed by FETO towards the state and public and emphasized the prominence of fighting this organization within the boundaries of law, we have seen that institutions weren’t able to keep up with the political will until July 15, unfortunately.

When the fight against FETO during the period between December 17-25 and July 15 is compared with the current, it could be argued that it was less successful in producing results. The presence of FETO-member judges and prosecutors, FETO members in said institutions and their overt and covert efforts to halt these investigations caused such a result.

After the July 15 coup attempt, the intelligence organization, security forces and Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) have increased their cooperation with the judiciary and significant progress was made in FETO investigations. Today, we are seeing that legal procedures are being taken against tens of thousands of FETO suspects, thousands of investigations are being conducted and we’re even seeing some cases being upheld by the judiciary. However, looking at the bigger picture, we are currently at the beginning of this fight and there is a long legal process awaiting us; especially when we consider the secretive structuring of the organization. More cases and trials may emerge after new evidence is found. It will definitely take time.

FETO-member prosecutors fled after obfuscating evidence

Could we claim that the judiciary largely uncovered FETO and perpetrators of the coup attempt? Is the judiciary successful in this matter?

We have to give credit where it’s due. No legal procedure took place after the 1960 coup, 1971 memorandum, nor the 1980 coup. Similarly, the February 28 postmodern coup took place in the near past; at the time, instead of investigating the coup, the judiciary preferred to be the accomplice of those who realized this postmodern coup. The judiciary in Turkey has such an unfortunate tradition. In this respect, we could say that the judiciary was on its tracks; while the July 15 coup attempt was going on and its success or failure was uncertain, we saw that the judiciary started investigations on putschists in Ankara, Istanbul, İzmir and many other cities around 23:00, even issuing warrants. This was a welcome development and we have to be thankful as a nation to those members of the judiciary who took the initiative.

Coup attempt investigations are mostly complete. Now criminal cases are being conducted. Some with fewer suspects are already concluded. Moreover, a criminal case was concluded in Erzurum and was upheld by the Supreme Court. Therefore, it became definite that this was a Gülenist coup attempt with the court decision. However, there are cases with numerous suspects; these are the crucial ones. The Akıncı Airbase trial along with the Ankara and Istanbul class action suits are still going on.

Is it possible to say that we know every nook and cranny of the coup attempt, so to speak?

We cannot say that all aspects of the coup attempt have been revealed by the judiciary. There are a couple of reasons. First of all, only a very limited portion of the TSK members involved in the coup attempt became confessors. This proves to be an issue when you try to uncover certain aspects of the coup attempt.

Secondly, during the coup attempt state institutions were caught off guard and weren’t prepared for it. As the putschists were aware of this situation, we believe they may have obfuscated evidence and documents that could be used against them during the coup attempt and even on the day after. We were unable to reach a part of the sought evidence because of this mass obfuscation. For instance, we have learned that those prosecutors who investigated the Akıncı Airbase were actually FETO members and that they have fled Turkey.

As a portion of the evidence is obfuscated and confessors are limited among the putschists, it could be said that certain aspects of the coup attempt are still in the dark. However, I can clearly say that there is a clear picture about who planned the coup, who lead it, who were involved in it and how it was done. If we consider that the leader of this terrorist organization resides abroad, we can easily assume that plans for the post-coup Turkey along with the coup preparation plans are abroad. Moreover, there is most probably information that was unbeknownst even to those who were in command. In this respect, it wasn’t possible to access to the said evidence, legally speaking.

Class action suits may be finalized in 2018

As you have said, certain cases are being concluded and new ones are being opened. In your opinion, how will these class action suits in Ankara and Istanbul proceed? When will these trials reach a conclusion?

We have previously experienced trials with hundreds of suspects and we have seen that they took 15 to 20 years to reach a conclusion, while many cases were dropped because of statute of limitations. In order to not have to go through the same experience in these trials, the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK) took some precautions and judges started to practice new methods. For instance, all of the courthouses are conducting these trials without any adjournment. This isn’t a practice that you would usually see in our judiciary system. These hearings take one or two months, so that a decision could be reached in a shorter time.

HSK has taken a precaution recently. The courts which are trying the coup attempt suspects aren’t only working on a single case; they work on multiple coup attempt cases. As these courts look at all cases regarding terror and terrorism, they are working on cases about FETO, PKK, Daesh and DHKP-C. Therefore, there are numerous cases they should work on. For this reason, HSK has appointed additional staff to these courts; the additional staff will probably work on other files than the coup attempt case. This will allow the presiding judge board to focus on the coup attempt cases and conduct uninterrupted hearings. Considering all of these precautions, I believe the class action suits, including Akıncı Airbase and General Staff cases, will be resolved in 2018.

What do suspects’ statements, their defenses and behaviors such as wearing t-shirts with the word “HERO” on it account for? Is there a common FETO strategy behind these? How could the judiciary counteract these strategies?

Even though it has taken a large hit with the investigations, FETO still maintains its organizational mobility in Turkey. We can say that these suspects are following a common defense strategy. This strategy is based on several pillars.

Firstly, they deny all and just lie. As I have said before, there are a limited number of confessors; the rest of them are denying their actions even though there is clear material evidence against them. Moreover, they’re claiming that they aren’t Gülenists, attempting to acquit FETO. Most of them are saying that FETO members might be among the putschists; however, none of the suspects admit that they are members. If all suspects are acquitted for not being FETO members, it won’t be possible to legally prove that FETO convened the coup. As suspects know this, they are saying what they are saying. They are trying not to accuse each other or make statements that might be used against one of their own.

Then, in order to create the image that the organization is still standing tall, they are trying to have high spirits and morale. As our imprisonment system has prison wings, they are able to consolidate. On the other hand, keeping morale high prevents them from unraveling and discourages confessors from confessing. Indeed, we have seen certain confessors renouncing confessions. It’s not hard to foresee that some of the current confessors are doing the same. This is their strategy.

Meanwhile, the organization is taking care of families of the incarcerated. As most of the relatives of the incarcerated, especially those of the TSK, had intra-organizational marriages, there is a significant solidarity. They are helping each other. It’s not a secret that the organization is providing material and moral aid to their families. Therefore, we can say that the organization has taken every necessary precaution in order to prevent them from falling apart and panicking.

While it can be argued that parents tended to disown their own children for their actions one day after the coup, this tendency is no longer relevant; we are observing that the organization is trying to have a hold on these families. We are currently focusing on the legal procedure; yet we don’t have a policy about other aspects of this organization, such as familial relations, their social circles and cutting their ties with FETO. Therefore, we have some shortcomings in these issues. I believe institutions should work on these issues.

Suspects are denying all as they are relying on the ECHR

Will their denials and attempts to acquit FETO save them? What are their goals?

Firstly, they believe denying actions despite clear material evidence doesn’t have serious legal consequences. It’s a gleam of hope; not all of them will be saved. Yet, even if one of them is saved by just denial, it’s a gain for the organization.

Secondly, the organization isn’t only limited to Turkey; FETO is present in over 160 countries. Therefore, admitting the organization’s involvement in the coup will have significant repercussions abroad. For this reason, their denial is about saving face.

Thirdly, there is a European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) process. Even if denying won’t produce results for them in Turkish courts, they might be hoping that their denials might lead to their acquittal at the ECHR.

Fourthly, I believe that they might be denying their actions just in case, as they are calculating that a political change might take place in Turkey and hope that their acquittal will be easier in such a political climate if they don’t admit anything.

Could it also be about projecting a strong and united image to their members abroad, encouraging them to stay together?

Indeed, let me provide an example. The organization’s civil administrator Kemal Batmaz didn’t say with whom he was staying on the night of the coup on purpose. However, he said the following: “Even if my statement or his testimony can save me, I won’t give his name. Even if I were to be executed or imprisoned for a lifetime, I won’t give his name.” He is a civil administrator of the organization; what he is saying is a message to all FETO members. I deliberately asked him whether he was encouraging other suspects to stay silent and not give names. He replied “Don’t evoke a thought that I wasn’t thinking of.” Nevertheless, the message was clear. Keeping a high morale and keeping the organization intact is what FETO members prioritize.

It’s not possible to block FETO’s concealed messages

There is an anger towards the putschists from all segments of society, regardless of their relation with those who were martyred or wounded on the night of the coup. They demand these putschists to be tried and punished swiftly. What are the duties of society, politicians and the media during these trials?

We have to agree that these are challenging trials for the judges, as well. Investigating a coup and putting the putschists on trial is unprecedented for our country. The judiciary never had the courage before. Considering all these challenges, we as the people have to be respectful to the legal procedure and contribute to the trials for a swift conclusion. Meanwhile, the principle of fair trial, a prominent component of international agreements and our legal procedure, is as important as the swiftness of the result. If we disregard this principle and allow misconduct, this might cause us to lose our righteous position because of a technicality. In order to avoid this possibility, we have to be patient and allow the trials to be conducted in the way they should be.

You have mentioned that these suspects act with a strategy and we have spoken about how they continue to communicate with each other. Is it possible to block their communications in prisons, preventing them from encouraging each other and showing resistance in trials? Can we talk about negligence, in this regard?

First of all, we should clarify that any person who is trained in the ways of such an organization would know how to act without any communication. Therefore, cutting their communications wouldn’t and won’t produce a completely different outcome. Such expectations are not realistic, as we’re talking about an organizational training that has transformed into a lifestyle.

What could’ve been done that wasn’t? We have a certain imprisonment system. This isn’t the first time that somebody is being tried according to Article 309 of Turkish Penal Code. Imprisonment doesn’t mean conviction. In this respect, the imprisoned have certain rights and you can’t just infringe your own laws. Visits from relatives, open and private conversations and legal advice are some of the said rights. Moreover, they can still relay concealed messages during these conversations. As you know, the organization has a system of concealed messages. For this reason, they don’t need to relay messages in an open way. This mustn’t be disregarded.

On the other hand, it’s not possible to keep all suspects apart from each other, both legally and technically. Prominent figures are being held in single rooms; however, this isn’t possible for all. We have a wing system in our prisons; there are 6-person, 8-person, 10-person and 16-person rooms. This system, therefore, becomes an advantage for them in terms of communications and solidarity. In addition, there are 485 suspects and they’re all in a mass trial, sitting next to each other and listening to what others are saying. Moreover, in our trials, the most prominent suspect’s name is the first in an indictment and our courts hear their defenses first. This prominent suspect’s statement and his/her defense style are a message to the rest. Therefore, it’s not possible to block open or conceal messages neither legally nor technically.

Civil and military administrators captured at Akıncı Airbase

Civil administrators of FETO have given their statements first at the Akıncı Airbase trial; a trial that you have been observing closely. Now, military suspects are defending themselves. What are some of the most striking details or information that you have heard during the trial?

There are striking details about civil administrators of the organization. First of all, all of them have worked at Kaynak Holding and its subsidiaries. They have FETO in their past. Moreover, most of them have relatives that are members of FETO. On the other hand, all of them were captured near the village of Akıncılar. Some claimed they were looking for land to buy; however, it’s not a suitable place to look for land. Others have said they were there, at 08:00 in the morning, to shoot a documentary about animal husbandry, while some claim they were there for a social event.

In terms of profiles, civil administrators are completely different from each other. All of their skills are complementary. For instance, we can say Kemal Batmaz has a great command of FETO’s ideology and terminology; thus, he has internalized the core principles of the organization. He is possibly FETO’s imam of Air Force. Nurettin Oruç seems more of an average person; however, uncovered evidence suggest that he is the imam of Gendarmerie. Moreover, Oruç’s connections in Germany are intriguing. Hakan Çiçek, on the other hand, looks like a people’s person. He’s seemingly a Kemalist and he’s not breaking his character even during trials. His U.S. connections and visitations are also intriguing. Aside from going to Pennsylvania, where FETO’s leader Fetullah Gülen resides, he seems to have visited other places for other reasons.

We believe Harun Biniş prepared the technical infrastructure of the putschist command, established their communications with others abroad and procured necessary equipment. Thus, we believe him to be the one who set up communications with Fetullah Gülen and prepared the technical infrastructure for the coordination of the coup. He is an electrical and electronic engineer that graduated from Bilkent University and he is an arrested suspect in the “Wiretapping Encrypted Telephones” case.

So, they have complemented each other and managed the coup attempt in coordination?

We can definitely say that. For instance, Hakan Çiçek isn’t your average person; he was managing the canteen at Fetullah Gülen’s FEM Preparatory School in Altunizade, Istanbul. He has been in the organization for a long time. Moreover, it was later found out that that very same preparatory school was where the young TSK personnel paid homage to FETO, especially those who have recently became lieutenants. There is such a connection. We can assume that Hakan Çiçek has continued to be in touch with these military personnel who have became members to the organization.

Witness testimonies suggest that there were more civil administrators at Akıncı Airbase. Is this possible?

It’s very probable. Some have mentioned numbers around 20-30 or even 40-50. However, some of these civil administrators may have been military personnel with civilian clothing; there are witness testimonies suggesting this. Nevertheless, we can say that there were more than just 5 civil administrators at the Akıncı Airbase on the night of the coup attempt; it is possible to assume that there were lower ranking civil administrators at the military base. Some of them have fled and we’re seeing that they all didn’t go in the same direction. Those who went to Akıncılar village were captured, while those went to separate directions may have fled.

Who are the more prominent military administrators of the coup attempt? Who were involved in its planning and application?

If we’re to speak about Akıncı Airbase, Chief of General Staff Hulusi Akar was greeted by four figures when he arrived at the airbase: Kubilay Selçuk, Ömer Faruk Harmancık, Hakan Evrim and Mehmet Dişli. Mehmet Dişli arrived there together with Akar. Then, Akın Öztürk came to the airbase. These were the people who surrounded Akar. Moreover, Akın Öztürk clearly says that Mehmet Dişli, Ömer Faruk Harmancık, Kubilay Selçuk and Hakan Evrim were putschists and claims that he has been trying to persuade them not to carry out the coup attempt. Therefore, these five figures are important. On the other hand, there were others on that night who were at the military base, coordinating the coup in other cities. Osman Kılıç is one of them; he’s being tried in the “Assassination Attempt of  President” case.

A figure we have scarcely heard of.

Kılıç is a prominent figure and an influential colonel. Similarly, Muzaffer Düzenli was at the Akıncı Airbase, coordinating the putschists in Istanbul. Gökhan Sönmezateş, who coordinated the operation in Muğla, is also a crucial figure. Mehmet Partigöç, who has signed the martial law decisions, is a very important figure. We believe that Partigöç was one of the brains behind this coup attempt, assessing his behavior at the court and his files. We can say that these are the higher-ranking figures.

No data to support “controlled coup” allegations

We know from the indictment that serious preparations were made for the coup attempt. How was the coup attempt thwarted despite these preparations? According to what data does the opposition allege this was a “controlled coup”?

First, we have to clarify that this coup wasn’t foreseen by the government. There was a lack of intelligence.

So, there are administrative and informative mistakes.

We may argue whether there were such mistakes. The second thing I want to emphasize is that intelligence was received on the day the coup took place. Once again, we may ask whether precautions taken after this intelligence were adequate or not. However, the allegation of a controlled coup implies that there is a force that commands and there is another force that is being commanded. Those who make this allegation aren’t overt about what they are saying. Yet, it is clear that they are claiming the coup was commanded by President Erdoğan and that the commanded forces were Gülenists. This is an irrational suggestion, as the coup targeted President Erdoğan. It’s not a secret that FETO is hostile to Erdoğan; the organization’s leader and members have been very clear about this. Would an organization hostile to Erdoğan submit their forces to him and allow him to mastermind a coup for his own benefit? Secondly, in order to support this allegation, you have to establish concrete relations between President Erdoğan and those who administered the coup attempt. As this is impossible and there is no evidence, this theory isn’t even mentioned in the files.

No concrete data, document, information or even suspect statements.

Exactly. Just by considering these two facts, it’s not possible to make such an allegation. They’re just interpreting, so to speak, the outcomes of the coup attempt and this is a faulty approach. Because the coup attempt failed, it has repercussions for the organization. Yet, those who planned this coup didn’t believe it would fail; they believed they would succeed. In this respect, we have to seek an answer for the following question: “If it was successful, who would benefit from it?” On the other hand, some are alleging that it was planned to fail right from the start. This isn’t true, not in any way. Looking at the evidence, we can say that it was a near perfect plan.

There are several factors which made the coup attempt a failure. Firstly, there was intelligence on an operation to the National Intelligence Organization (MİT). This was regarded as part of a larger plan and certain precautions, including flight restrictions, were taken by the General Staff. These precautions caused the putschists to think that the coup was uncovered and they decided to act earlier. The coup that was planned to start at 03:00 was rescheduled to 20:00-21:00. This rescheduling caused issues with the planning and its application.

After these, they failed to capture or kill President Erdoğan along with Prime Minister Yıldırım. In this respect, their failure is due to rescheduling. If the coup started at 03:00, they might’ve been successful. On the other hand, President Erdoğan and Prime Minister Yıldırım calling people to take the streets and resist the putschists was also an important factor. This wouldn’t be possible at 03:00. However, rescheduling the coup caused all plans to go awry for them and they were forced to make new plans. These plans were faulty and caused the failure of the coup. Therefore, claiming that the coup was rigged for failure right from the beginning is nothing but a farce.

Lastly, I want to ask: what should we do to explain the coup attempt trials better both in Turkey and abroad? Also, would you want to add anything?

First of all, as a nation, we have thwarted a serious attack on July 15. Only a few nations could have achieved this. Therefore, we have to be aware of the gravity of what we have achieved. This will allow us to see that we can overpower this organization. The fight against FETO is going well; the possibility of this organization reestablishing itself in Turkey and becoming a threat to our nation and state is largely removed.

Our people shouldn’t despair in this fight. We have achieved great things and I believe these achievements will lead to new achievements for our state and our people. This fight concerns all; it’s not only President Erdoğan’s or the Justice and Development Party’s (AK Party) cause. Regardless of political outlooks, it’s the fight of all citizens in Turkey. We have to put our differences, ideologies and political outlooks aside. No one should forget that this organization wouldn’t have been allowing any dissidents to exist, if they had been successful.

Since the July 15 coup attempt by FETO, the government of Turkey has cracked down on fighting against this terrorism and ensuring that the state bureaucracy is free from such ideologies.

The defeated coup attempt, orchestrated by the Fetullah Gulen cult, left 250 people martyred and nearly 2,200 injured.

In its attempt to demolish such terrorism, Turkey has received support from the United Kingdom, as the British government stated that Turkish authorities have a right to act against suspected perpetrators of last years defeated coup attempt.

While the German government has provided asylum to those escaping facing judicial trial in Turkey, the UK Foreign Affairs Committee underlined that “the Turkish government has a right and responsibility to act against the suspected perpetrators of the coup attempt and also against those who have committed or are planning terrorist acts.”

More, the Committee stated that “we recognize the difficulty of tackling the networks of secretive organizations, and of tackling terrorism,” highlighting the “importance to safeguards which help uphold international human rights standards and the rule of law.”

The report published by the Committee also supported Turkey’s fight against different terrorist groups, including the PKK and Daesh.

“PKK terrorist attacks, and the PKK’s decision to take fighting to the towns and cities of the south-east of Turkey in 2016 show callous disregard for human life and wellbeing,” the report said.

Upholding Turkey’s sovereignty, the report added that “Turkey has a legitimate right to defend itself against this appalling violence.”

The elimination of FETO in Africa

While the fight against FETO has received support from the UK, the Turkish government has increased its will to destroy the terrorist organization overseas.

In an attempt to ensure that the FETO-linked schools in countries all over the world do not continue to contribute to the acts of terrorism, the Maarif Foundation was established.

The Foundation has been tasked to take over schools abroad operated by FETO following last year’s coup attempt.

Member of the Board of Directors of the Maarif Foundation, Dr. Hasan Yavuz, stated that there are FETO-linked schools in 36 of 54 countries across Africa, noting that the foundation has completely taken over schools in five countries.

Yavuz also mentioned that further agreements have been made with 14 countries in order to transfer the schools, and that negotiations are in progress with 7 other countries in the continent.

9 FETO-linked schools in Guinea with 1,000 students were the first to be transferred to the foundation.

Talks are also to be held with officials in Equatorial Guinea, Comoros Islands, the Seychelles and Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi in this regard.

On 15^th of July 2016, a coup attempt was foiled in Turkey that was allegedly carried out by the Fetullah Gülen Terrror Group (FETO), led by Fetullah Gülen, the cult leader living in the US. Indeed, the group’s bad record on democracy is not new. Previously Gülen had openly supported the September 12, 1980 military coup with his article “Son Karakol” (“The Last Outpost”) published in the Sızıntı Magazine on October 1, 1980 – the first FETO publication that began in 1979. During the post-modern military coup of February 28, 1997, which targeted Necmettin Erbakan, the Prime Minister of Turkey and the leader of the Welfare Party, Gülen presented the pro-military Hürriyet daily with the headline: “You botched, just submit”. However, this attitude was interpreted by many as an effort by the group to establish a good relationship with the “real” authority in the country, rather than interpreting it as a sign of the group’s tendency to overtake the whole military institution to rule over the country. The group was going to try a military coup nearly two decades after, but this time by themselves.

During the coup attempt, FETO employed its civil administrators, called imams, who functioned under a strict organizational hierarchy that enabled them to exercise effective control over its affiliated state personnel. These imams were appointed as supervisors to various judges, prosecutors, military and police officers, who submitted to their commands. Hierarchical statuses of imams over these personnel were determined according to their closeness to Fetullah Gülen, to whom supernatural powers were attributed.

The Role of Civil Administrators in the Planning of the Coup

The most extensive indictment on the July 15 coup attempt, the Akıncı Indictment classifies the civilians at the Akıncı Airbase, the headquarters of the coup attempt, into two categories: “Civilian Suspects” and “Civilian Administrator Suspects”. Fetullah Gülen, Adil Öksüz, Kemal Batmaz, Hakan Çiçek, Nurettin Oruç and Harun Biniş are named as civil administrator suspects. Civil administrator suspects were caught together with the military personnel at the Akıncı Airbase on the morning of July 16, 2016.

These figures were caught on security footage and there are testimonies about their presence at the airbase. They are purported to have dictated who was going where, which actions were to be taken and which targets were to be attacked with helicopters and warplanes carrying high-ranking officers at the mess of the 143^rd Fleet at Akıncı Airbase. Hakan Çiçek, a suspect, has accepted that he was present at Akıncı Airbase, claiming that he was invited there for a social event by Commander Ahmet Özçetin, who is another suspect of this case. According to the indictment, they were actively involved in the preparation of the coup.

Testimonies recorded in the indictments state that the coup was planned at secret meetings led by Adil Öksüz, who was to inform Gülen about these meetings. Öksüz is claimed to have organized meetings abroad as well. Along with confessions and testimonies, the embankment analysis and flight records of Öksüz support these claims. Adil Öksüz is among the most prominent names in FETO and among the closest persons to Gülen. Demonstrating their relationship, investigations have revealed that there is footage in which Öksüz was sitting in Gülen’s chair, with a group of children as an audience.

http://thenewturkey.org/evidences-in-feto-indictments/

Deeming the November 1 election results as a threat to their existence, FETO rented a three-story villa in Konutkent, Ankara through the Empati Consultancy Company on November 9, 2015. According to witness statements in the indictments, coup preparation meetings were held at this house with the participation of FETO-affiliated Turkish Armed Forces officers on the following dates: December 27, 2015; January 9, 2016; January 16, 2016; January 30, 2016; February 20, 2016; February 29, 2016; March 14, 2016; March 30, 2016; May 5, 2016; May 27, 2016; June 4, 2016; June 15, 2016.

Attending the last meeting on July 9, 2016, Lieutenant Colonel Turgay Sökmen asserted that “a coup preparation with the participation of all forces was underway, that he would continue his work where he was going and that there weren’t any issues”. Öksüz led the prayer before the meeting and spoke on religious subjects. In one of his speeches, he said that “one of the first things to do on July 15 was to free [FETO] members out of the prisons they are incarcerated with the forces that was tasked with this duty”. In another speech, he said “my friends, I have just spoken with our elder [Fetullah Gülen], he sends his regards to all of you. I will be leaving for Istanbul on Saturday or Sunday and then will go abroad. If everything is fine, I will be seeing our elder on Tuesday and will return here on Wednesday or Thursday”.

Rear Admiral Halil İbrahim Yıldız, talking about the same meetings, said that there were some preparation meetings in Ankara and that Northern Sea Area Commander Read Admiral Ömer Faruk Harmancık told him that there was an almost-finished coup plan. Moreover, Harmancık told Yıldız that the plan was to be carried out on either July 15 or 22. According to Yıldız’s statements, during the meeting that Öksüz was present, it was asserted that the coup would take place after 03:00 o’clock. After this, Harmancık told Öksüz that everything was ready and Öksüz suggested he go to the US in order to show the coup plan to Fetullah Gülen in person. There are many testimonies and statements from both suspects and witnesses validating the roles of FETO member civil administrators during the coup preparation process.

Three Important Trips Abroad

There are three important trips abroad by civilian suspects at the same date during the process of preparation for the coup. Suspect Harun Biniş was unable to make these trips as he was being tried at the Ankara 2^nd Heavy Penal Court under the charge of illegal wiretapping for FETO/Paralel Devlet Yapılanması (PDY).

The first trip was undertaken when Öksüz, after the first coup preparation meeting on December 27, 2015, travelled to the United Kingdom on December 31. It seems that Batmaz was also in the UK, meanwhile, Hakan Çiçek and Nurettin Oruç were in Germany at that time. It is possible to surmise that they were feeling the pulse of FETO members in other countries right after the coup preparation meeting.

Secondly, after the meeting on March 14, 2016, there was a trip abroad between March 17-21, 2016. Besides FETO administrators Öksüz, Oruç, Çiçek and Batmaz, the highest-ranking suspect General Akın Öztürk’s son-in-law Lieutenant Colonel Hakan Karakuş also joined this travel. Following this travel to the US, it was observed that on the very same day, March 21, 2016, Gülen wore a khaki robe reminiscent of military uniforms and relayed the information on the coup with a secret message embedded in his statement published on the website www.herkul.org

http://thenewturkey.org/the-gulen-cult-between-modernism-and-narcissism/

Lastly, two days before the coup attempt, between July 11 and 13, Batmaz and Öksüz travelled to the US on the same plane. This travel is confirmed by entrance-exit analysis and flight records, and it was right before the coup took place. Witness statements assert that the date and hour of the coup approved by Gülen was at 03:00 on July 16. Plane tickets and the security footage also confirm this.

Beside these three important trips, Batmaz has 9 trips coinciding with other coup suspects and 7 of them with Adil Öksüz. Moreover, all civil administrator suspects, including Batmaz, claim that they do not know each other and that this is nothing but a coincidence. This is believed to have been a common tactic utilized by the accused suspects to hide their links to the organization.

Indeed, the footage of Batmaz and Öksüz at the airport two days before the coup shows the following: Batmaz leaving the plane and waiting for Öksüz to leave the plane, then both come together and Batmaz coming towards Öksüz while Öksüz is checking his baggage, talking with each other while walking, Batmaz looking at his back (probably to check whether they are being followed), exiting the airport and walking across the road together. Yet, even though Batmaz accepts that it is him on the footage, he claims he does not know Öksüz; moreover, he states that he does not remember some 925 phone calls he had with Adil Öksüz.

The trips, relationships, meetings and other evidence are strong enough to prove FETO members’ finger in the coup attempt, whereas the false denials of this evidence just functions as another form of evidence, which shows how the group members still continue to utilize a common tactic to escape punishment.

Conducted by the Ankara 17th Heavy Penal Court and known to the public as “the July 15 coup attempt lawsuit” or “General Staff main lawsuit”, the first hearing of the case commenced on May 22. Defendants’ defenses are being heard in subsequent sessions. Similarly, “the main coup trials” were commenced in Istanbul on May 29. As the defense was covered by the media, Chief of Staff Hulusi Akar submitted a statement to the Parliament’s Coup Inquiry Commission, and the National Intelligence Organization’s (MİT) revealed the July 15 Coup Report to the public, making it the hottest topic of June.

Meanwhile, Parliament’s Coup Inquiry Commission also revealed its report and the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) prepared a 300 page long comment on the said report. While the CHP doesn’t clearly contest the idea that the coup was perpetrated by FETÖ, the main opposition party continued to allege that “the July 15 coup attempt was a foreseen, but an unavoidable coup that was controlled for an outcome.” Considering that the trials are at full throttle and the anniversary of the coup is drawing closer, it could easily be said that these discussions will become increasingly heated.

The Fight against FETÖ/PDY after July 15

Before talking about the course of cases and the prominent parts of indictments and defenses, it would be more beneficial to provide some information about the judiciary’s fight against FETÖ/PDY and the July 15 coup attempt. Firstly, it should be noted that the judicial process and trials against FETÖ/PDY had commenced prior to July 15. A day before the coup attempt, the joint indictment was completed and was accepted by the Ankara Heavy Penal Court. Moreover, new cases against FETÖ/PDY were opened in almost all cities and districts of Turkey.

Although the figures change by the day, according to the statement of Minister of Justice Bekir Bozdağ, today more than 160,000 people are part of these trials; 50,402 of them have been arrested, while 47,136 people were released under judicial control. 7,963 people were first detained and later were released. Civil servants like judges, prosecutors, military personnel and police officers constitute the majority of those who are arrested.

Besides these court cases against FETÖ, there are numerous cases and inquiries directly concerning the July 15 coup attempt. Among these cases, the most prominent one is the class action lawsuit against 221 suspects, including some members of the Peace at Home Council, on the events that took place at the General Staff Compound in Ankara. On the other hand, the case on the events which transpired at the Akıncı Airbase, the case on the attempted assassination of President Erdoğan in Muğla, and the case on the coup in Istanbul are other prominent class action lawsuits related to the coup attempt. There are also separate cases opened for each individual incident in cities like Ankara, Istanbul, Malatya, Diyarbakır, Sakarya, Kars, Ardahan, Edirne, Kocaeli, Manisa, Isparta and Şırnak. Therefore, the cases on the coup and FETÖ/PDY are being conducted simultaneously from two channels.

The indictments and evidence of prominent court cases in Ankara and Istanbul came to be known by the public and defendants’ defenses are being covered by the media. Considering the investigations and the court cases, it can be said that the judiciary is conducting challenging lawsuits with a superhuman effort. The challenge is twofold; while FETÖ/PDY’s emphasis on secrecy is one side of the problem, the other is the loss of personnel in the judiciary following the July 15 coup attempt. Almost one third of judges and prosecutors, amounting to around 4,000, were discharged from duty. Despite the gap and the lack in the numbers of senior judges and an ever-increasing work load, the judiciary’s handling of the process is above the standard.

Indictments and FETÖ/PDY’s Defense Strategy

It should be said that the general structure of FETÖ/PDY, their organization within the Turkish Armed Forces and all phases of the coup attempt, along with the perpetrators and their crimes, are mostly identified and clarified. Moreover, some cases are being concluded by now. The first lawsuit to be concluded in Ankara was of the Secretary-General of President Fahri Kasırga’s abduction and the suspect of this case were punished with an aggravated life imprisonment on June 15. On May 27, the first acquittal decision was given in Adıyaman; however, it should be expressed that the Court of Cassation is yet to approve both of these lawsuits.

Regarding the defense strategy, the suspects are acting in unison with a common narrative. Unlike any normal defendants, they are not only trying to save themselves; they are also trying to convey some sort of messages to other FETÖ members and both to the domestic and international public. They are conveying the message that FETÖ members are yet to be deciphered and they are still alive and kicking. They are trying to erase the traces of FETÖ and consolidate the opinion that it was a controlled coup. To achieve their goals, they are rejecting every accusation, with the exception of a few defendants, despite the findings and evidence. Secondly, they are refraining from accusing others. Lastly, they are refraining from mentioning FETÖ as the perpetrator of the coup.

All of the defendants are talking about their past services to the Turkish Armed Forces and their successes, drawing analogies to Ergenekon and Sledgehammer defendants who were victimized by FETÖ and trying to tap into the sympathy that is felt towards the victimized military personnel. Moreover, they are claiming that they aren’t FETÖ members; they are even alleging that they have fought against FETÖ for many years and were victimized by the organization in the past.

Despite being in the middle of the coup, they are refraining from accusing other suspects, and claiming that they have no information about who conducted the coup attempt or implying that the high-ranking officers of the Turkish Armed Forces were behind the coup attempt. Even though rejecting all claims may be considered as a natural reflex, their efforts to save other suspects and whitewash FETÖ are definitely unnatural. Furthermore, there is an impression that the suspects are forming groups and are trying to play certain roles. The common narrative itself indicates the existence of a prepared and orderly organization. Similarly, their leniency to deception and deceit through the distorted understanding of taqiyya also points out the involvement of FETÖ.

Those who are members of the Peace at Home Council and were active in the conducting of the coup are seen to be rejecting physical evidence such as clear recordings, witness testimonies and their confessions at the prosecutors’ office, ridiculing the court itself. Commander of the Akıncı Airbase Hakan Evrim, who was at the base where aircraft lifted off and landed for hours and who saluted FETÖ’s civilian imam Kemal Batmaz, alleges that there wasn’t a coup attempt and that he is not a FETÖ member. Similarly, Sinan Sürer, who fired on civilians entering the General Staff Compound, used ByLock and participated in the coup preparation meetings led by Adil Öksüz, rejects all claims despite recordings and hard evidence, even alleging that the gun he was holding was actually a phone. Former Staff Colonel Doğan Öztürk, on the other hand, asserts that he never saw Deputy Chief of Staff Yaşar Güler on the night of coup, even though he was recorded by security cameras while escorting Güler to the headquarters. There are many other defenses that are in the same vein as these.

It could be said that the main aims of these defenses are to whitewash FETÖ and to consolidate the notion that the coup was actually a ploy or it was a controlled coup attempt. It is clear that they are trying to create a perception in accordance with Fetullah Gülen’s previous claims about the coup. For this reason, they are making statements which accuse high-ranking military officers and the MİT.

With the condition of protecting the rights of defense and fair trial, FETÖ suspects should be barred from managing the judicial process and the public perception. Taking the sensitivities of the public, families of martyrs and veterans into consideration, the suspects must be prevented from showing off; however, legal errors that might cast a shadow on the trials and bring about Turkey’s condemnation at the European Court of Human Rights must be averted. Prejudiced circles and existent negative public opinion should be granted no quarter in this matter.

Turkey’s fight against the Gülenist Terrorist Organization (FETÖ) continues. Courts are accepting indictments against suspects which participated in the July 15 coup attempt that left 249 martyred and 2,186 wounded.

After the coup attempt 41,326 people were detained. Among the detainees, there were 2 Constitutional Court, 131 Supreme Court, 43 Council of State and 5 Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors members, along with 2 four-star generals, 6 major generals, 10 lieutenant generals and 184 brigadier generals.

Detainees not giving concrete information about FETÖ indicates that the terrorist organization is still influential. Despite facing life sentences, detainees are not talking or being forced to not talk about FETÖ.

Accused of planning and enforcing the attempted assassination of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Marmaris, and the killing of Erdoğan’s bodyguard Mehmet Çetin, Colonel Şükrü Seymen defended himself in court by saying “I have attempted a coup; even if the punishment is death, I do not regret it.” This defense is important in terms of how FETÖ is organized as Seymen refrained from uncovering who was behind the heinous act of the coup.

Radio Talks Reveal the Bloodthirsty Face of the Organization

The joint indictment on the events took place in the General Staff compound and the addendum of the indictment on Army Aviation Command revealed the bloodthirsty face of the terrorist organization through visuals and radio commands about the detainment of ranking officers by the putschists and slaughter of civilians.

The indictment regarding Army Aviation Command, where putschists lifted off with military helicopters that fired on civilians, clearly states that Gülenist soldiers were informed about the coup attempt prior to its execution. There are striking expressions.

http://thenewturkey.org/the-rise-and-fall-of-feto-in-turkish-politics/

Lieutenant Emre Erkan, a training officer at Army Aviation Command, said “today is the bloody Friday” to his company during muster on the morning of July 15. Ramazan Turgut, who expressed that he was serving as an artilleryman in Cyprus and started to serve at Army Aviation Command as a trainee from April 14, 2016 onwards, said “During the muster at 08:00 on the morning of July 15, Lieutenant Emre Erkan told the whole company that that day was the bloody Friday. We had training at 13:00. I attended the said class.”

Levent Çağrı Çakır also expressed that he attended the muster on the same morning and affirmed that Emre Erkan said “it is going to be the bloody Friday.”

In the indictment, it is expressed that Emre Erkan took the keys of the armory without any record keeping by Quartermaster Özgür Oprukçun. On the very same day, Battalion Commander Lt. Col. Yasin Candemir ordered Emre Erkan to distribute the weapons to the soldiers, Emre Erkan told the soldiers that “the terrorists might attack in the guise of police and soldiers,” and that soldiers collected ammunition and magazines from the room of the lieutenant colonel.

Second Lieutenant Tolgahan Akbuğa said “When we entered the armory, Lieutenant Emre Erkan gave each of us a G3 without looking at their serial numbers.”

Private Mustafa Turan said that Lt. Col. Özcan Karacan, who was tasked with dispatching and managing the helicopters on the night of the coup attempt, was giving orders to higher ranking officers. Turan added that it was obvious Karacan was giving orders to the personnel near the main entrance. “Lt. Col. Karacan came to me and said ‘if any police comes here, they are terrorists in guise. I order you to shoot them; we won’t let them capture here.’ I told him I would rather shoot myself than shooting at the police. He yelled at me and said ‘you don’t know the punishment of insubordination,'” said Turan.

Five Civilian Gülenists at Akıncı Military Base, the Heart of the Coup

The center of July 15 coup attempt was the Akıncılar Military Base. Images of Adil Öksüz, a Sakarya University staff member who led the coup attempt and was revealed to have visited the FETÖ leader Fethullah Gülen in Pennsylvania, with the putschists at the base were included in the indictment.

FETÖ members Kemal Batmaz, Harun Biniş, Nurettin Oruç and Hakan Çiçek were also confirmed to be at the military base. The aforementioned were found out to be in connection with Adil Öksüz and ordering ranking officers at the base despite being civilians, all of which were recorded via security cameras.

Kaygusuz: Hit the police department, destroy the compound

In the indictment on the events that transpired at Akıncı Military Base, there are visuals of putschists bombing Ankara Police Headquarters with military aircraft and radio communication between putschist pilots.

Dispatching and managing F-16 aircraft from Akıncı Base and relaying all attack orders to pilots, Staff Captain Mustafa Mete Kaygusuz ordered Pilot İlhami Aygül to hit the police department and destroy the compound.

An excerpt from the radio conversation between the base and the pilots:

Pilot İlhami Aygül: We are observing the clash in front of the police department.

Mustafa Mete Kaygusuz: Hit the police department, destroy the compound.

Aygül: Roger, we are firing on the area of conflict. Please confirm.

Kaygusuz: Confirmed.

Aygül: Roger. Is the police department compound the first or the second building near ANKAmall? We can also fire on the zone of conflict.

Kaygusuz: Fire on where the conflict is, where concentrated fire is taking place.

Aygül: Roger that. They are firing towards the road from the police department. We are firing on the compound.

Kaygusuz: You’re free to bomb the compound.

Kaygusuz: Have you hit the police department.

Aygül: We will be attacking it in two minutes.

Kaygusuz: Let’s hurry up. One more bomb, two bombs.

Aygül: Come again?

Kaygusuz: One more bomb there.

Aygül: Two bombs for the conflict zone.

Mustafa Mete Kaygusuz later confessed; he admitted that he became connected with FETÖ during his high school years and that he ordered pilots to bomb targets on the night of the coup attempt.

Prevent the Aircraft with the Presidential Seal from Flying

Talking with Oğuz Alper Emrah, one of the indictees of the Akıncı indictment, Ahmet Tosun described the presidential aircraft: “The aircraft you’re to prevent [from flying] is probably the presidential aircraft, it will have a seal on it. It’s a huge aircraft with the presidential seal on it.”

Ahmet Tosun said that the suspect Ahmet Özçetin, the staff colonel who served as the 4th Main Jet Operations Commander, was responsible for the F-16 bombing orders that martyred civilians.

“Ahmet Özçetin told me that the aircraft the president is in took off from either Antalya or Dalaman and asked me to investigate it, tracking the radar,” said Tosun.

Tosun added that the bombing of the interchange, Police Special Forces and Police Aviation Headquarters near the presidential compound, along with the supersonic fly-past over Kızılay and the General Staff compound were ordered by Özçetin.

President Erdoğan was the real target of the putschists

The real target of July 15 coup attempt was President Erdoğan. They were aiming to detain or assassinate him, as it would render their coup successful.

Two F-16s took off from Diyarbakır Airbase on July 12 and photographed the hotel President Erdoğan was staying at. On July 13, again two F-16s under the control of Air Forces Command Intelligence Department scanned the hotel and its vicinity.

Colonel Ali Yazıcı, who was Erdoğan’s Head Military Aide at the time, learned where Erdoğan was staying and relayed the information to Brigadier General Gökhan Şahin Sönmezateş, while departing from Antalya to reach the hotel in Marmaris on the night of July 15.

Statements of the bloodthirsty putschist Zekeriya Kuzu are included in the indictment on the assassination attempt of President Erdoğan, which resulted in two police officers being martyred.

In the indictment, it is stated that former master sergeant Zekeriya Kuzu, who is nicknamed “Pasha” and is the “base imam” for the Çiğli 2nd Main Jet Command Base, said the following to the police officers: “You will go through hell, it’s all starting now. (…) you said you were going to eradicate us, now we will eradicate you; if you even dare to raise your heads, we will kill you. Where is he [Erdoğan], which helicopter picked him up, to which airport he will land, when did the helicopter take off?”

Moreover, it is highlighted in the indictment that the putschists which were the part of the assassination team stepped on the heads of police officers with boots, fired around the officers and brutalized them.

Sergeant Aydın Özsıcak and Lt. Col. Davut Uçum, who were among the assassination team, also became the suspects of a reopened investigation on August 9, 2016 as FETÖ was connected to the death/assassination of Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu and his five companions.

Özsıcak and Uçum were charged with stealing Argus5000 CE and SKYMAP (which has the ability to record) from the helicopter wreck that became the grave of Yazıcıoğlu and his five friends on March 25, 2009; however, the investigation had resulted in dismissal of charges.

Giving his statement to Kahramanmaraş Deputy Public Prosecutor Kemal Yalçın, Özsıcak alleged that him being in the team attempting to assassinate Erdoğan and stealing equipment from the helicopter are “nothing but a coincidence.”

Putschists Coordinated the Dink Murder

Meanwhile, in the indictment of the Hrant Dink murder case, it was revealed that FETÖ planned the murder.

Participating in the coup attempt and captured wounded after the clash at Ankara Gendarmerie Command, Lieutenant Muharrem Demirkale, who is the Commander of Separatist Activities Intelligence Team at Istanbul Gendarmerie Intelligence, was revealed to be coordinating gendarmerie that had a part in Hrant Dink’s murder. Moreover, it was found out that Demirkale spoke with Specially Authorized Prosecutor Zekeriya Öz seven times on the phone the day before and after the murder.

Sergeant Yavuz Karakaya, who was detained on the charge of cooperating with the putschists at the Ankara Gendarmerie Command on the night of the coup attempt, was found out to be observing Ogün Samast and Hrant Dink before, during and after the murder.

FETÖ Dictated Three Books to Obscure the Dink Murder

In order to prove that police officers that are affiliated with them had nothing to do with the Dink murder, FETÖ made three writers write book on this murder. Adem Yavuz Arslan wrote Bi Ermeni Var, while Nazlı Ilıcak wrote Her Taşın Altında The Cemaat mi Var? and Bayram Kaya wrote Kördüğüm: 21 Numaralı Suikast Yolcusu. The FETÖ link with the murder was obscured through the said books.

FETÖ’s Media Organization Deciphered

Investigations into FETÖ’s media organization underscored how the Zaman daily influenced national newspapers and TV channels.

The indictments clearly show that Zaman acted at the behest of FETÖ in the media.

Publishing Deniz Baykal’s sextape, snatching of Adil Öksüz who is the black box of the coup attempt and serving manipulated images of the Hrant Dink murder were some of the operations that FETÖ executed in the media.

The official documents show that 1,000 of the Zaman 2,500 employees were journalists, while most of these journalists worked in various national newspapers and TV channels. Majority of these journalists were placed in various media outlets.

Trained at the Zaman daily, Cihan News Agency and Samanyolu TV, these journalists were put into crucial positions within TRT and many other national dailies and TV channels during the Ergenekon and Balyoz trials.

Between the years 2008 and 2014, almost all of the security and judicial correspondents of various newspapers and TV channels were originating from the Zaman daily. FETÖ realized the perception management through these journalists who were placed in national media outlets. Many other correspondents were polished by FETÖ. Even during the December 17-25, 2015 coup attempt, FETÖ correspondents were actively working in national media outlets.

For instance, let’s take a look at the indictment regarding the Hrant Dink murder case: it is stated that FETÖ placed Ercan Gün, who worked 14 years for Zaman, to FOX TV 11 days before the Dink murder and that the montaged photo of Ogün Samast holding a Turkish flag was published on FOX TV through his efforts.

Working for Zaman since 1993 and staying for 14 years, Ercan Gün’s transfer to FOX TV on January 8 2007, just days before the Hrant Dink murder, is evaluated as a deliberate effort to obscure the evidence. FOX TV News Director Ercan Gün was detained as a part of the investigation on the murder; however, FOX TV administration did not sever its ties with Gün. He is still shown as the news director in the staff page of the TV channel.

Ankara Representative Erdal Şen of Habertürk Daily Helped Adil Öksüz Escape

Originating from Zaman daily, Erdal Şen was revealed to be an active participant of the coup attempt.

Şen helped Adil Öksüz, FETÖ’s “Turkish Armed Forces imam” who was detained at Akıncı Airbase in Ankara only to be released with a suspicious decision, escape. It was found out that Şen helped Adil Öksüz hide in an apartment in the Üsküdar district of Istanbul.

Erdal Şen’s wife Emine Şennur Şen is also Adil Öksüz’s sister-in-law. Emine Şennur Şen was apprehended for using FETÖ’s ciphered communications application, ByLock.

At the Habertürk Headquarters on the Morning of the December 17 Coup Attempt

Administrators of the Habertürk daily and TV channel also attract the attention in the indictment about FETÖ’s media organization. It is stated that administrators who have transferred from Zaman to Habertürk knew of the 17-25 December coup attempt in 2013 beforehand.

Witness testimonies reveal that Habertürk TV News Coordinator Oğuz Usluer, Chief Editor Abdullah Kılıç and News Director Cuma Ulus came to the building at 07:00 on December 17, which was unusual for them, and worked on police summaries throughout the day.

It was also recorded that Usluer, while he was the broadcast coordinator of Habertürk TV, warned Editor Mehmet Yeşilkaya, as Yeşilkaya tried to cut off the reporter who was reading Hakan Şükür’s resignation letter; thus, Usluer allowed the whole letter to be read. Moreover, Usluer referred to the resignation letter as “a manifesto.”

Ankara Representative who published Deniz Baykal’s sextape is apprehended because of a FETÖ link

Yener Dönmez, who founded the Vahdet daily and closed it down after the July 15 coup attempt, published Deniz Baykal’s sextape on the website called Habervaktim while he was the Ankara representative of the Akit daily.

Deniz Baykal was forced to resign from his post of chairman in Republican People’s Party after the publishing of the said images. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu replaced him. FETÖ published images and documents of setup trials on the website Habervaktim.

Dönmez was detained as a part of the investigation into the images that allegedly showed Deniz Baykal. Dönmez was found out to be using ByLock. Moreover, Dönmez confessed that Deniz Baykal’s tape was sent to him by FETÖ-affiliated journalist Cevheri Güven. “Cevheri Güven called late at night. He said ‘something was sent to you, have you seen it.’ I learned that images of Deniz Baykal were relayed to the newspaper’s report line and then we decided to publish them,” said Dönmez. These quotes are directly taken from Dönmez’s statements.

As a part of the investigation into Deniz Baykal’s tape, 37 Gülenist police officers, including Ömer Altıparmak who is the former Head of the Intelligence Department at Security General Directorate, were apprehended.

Images, information and documents of Ergenekon and Balyoz trials are deleted

FETÖ completely deleted the recorded videos, information and documents of the Ergenekon and Balyoz trials.

The indictments regarding Hasan Hüseyin Özese, the Head Judge of Istanbul 13th Heavy Penal Court, and Hüsnü Çalmuk, a fellow judge, both of whom were tasked with the Ergenekon trial and were apprehended after the July 15 coup attempt, clearly state that FETÖ obscured the evidence.

Supervisory Board of Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors found out that the Istanbul 13th Heavy Penal Court irreversibly deleted all information and documents on computers by using the Wipe application before delivering them for inspection.

The court had video recorded all Ergenekon hearings that started on October 20 2008 and ended on August 5 2013. Even during the breaks between hearings, witnesses and secret witnesses were recorded. Through the deletion of the information and documents, along with video records, uncovering of any irregularities and mistrials is made impossible.

After the failure of the 17-25 December coup attempt, FETÖ formatted computers at Istanbul Security Directorate with the Wipe application and deleted the records of illegal wiretappings and technical surveillance.

The second declaration of the coup was to be announced on CNN Türk and FOX TV

The information that Gülenists regrouped after the coup declaration announced on TRT failed and that they wanted to announce a second one on CNN Türk and FOX TV was also included in the indictments.

In the joint indictment on the events which took place in the General Staff compound, it is underscored that the former Commander of Northern Sea Area Command Rear Admiral Ömer Faruk Harmancık, who commanded the coup at the Akıncı Airbase, called CNN Türk, FOX TV and the Honorary President of Doğan Holding Aydın Doğan’s bodyguard on the night of the coup attempt.

The statement of Major General Mehmet Dişli, who is the head of Strategic Transformation Department at the General Staff, is included in the indictment. He testifies that Harmancık said “we have prepared a second declaration and a broadcast vehicle will come soon; we want you to read this” to Chief of Staff Hulusi Akar.

After this exchange, it was found out that Harmancık called the CNN Türk building, which was raided by the putschists at 03:23, at 03:28 and 03:29 on July 16. Moreover, he called the line belonging to Doğan Holding which was being used by the security team in Bodrum at 06:34.

Aydın Doğan was on vacation in Bodrum during the coup attempt. Doğan stated that the line Harmancık called twice was being used by his security detail in Bodrum.

On the other hand, Harmancık called FOX TV’s Ankara office at 06:24. As it is known, the coup attempt in Ankara ended after Hulusi Akar was retrieved from Akıncı Airbase with a helicopter at 09:30.

It was revealed that Harmancık talked with Lt. Col. Ümit Gençer, who dictated the coup declaration at 23:30, eleven times. Ankara Public Prosecutor’s Office is continuing to investigate the communication traffic of Doğan Holding and FOX TV on July 15.

All of the information gathered in the text only covers a part of the statements given to the security forces and the prosecutor’s office. As more indictments are submitted to the courts and more Gülenist putschists confess to their crimes, the background of this bloody coup attempt will be revealed.