Morocco has always dreamed of hosting the World Cup in order to foster a positive image of itself to the world. The economic benefits, of course, are a prime consideration, but there are also other important, undeclared reasons. Yet, despite considerable efforts, thus far, Morocco has not yet managed to host the coveted cup; Morocco is busy with selling a positive image of its status as a moderate, pro-Western Muslim country, and one that spearheads the fight against “Islamist terrorism.”

To some, these titles are necessary, and especially for European politicians from all parties who are anxious to maintain good relations with Morocco because of its role as a paid policeman on the European Union’s southern border. According to international terrorism experts, including many Europeans, the “spearhead against terrorism” attribute might be exaggerated – but that is another story.

So, what a wonderful opportunity for a country whose image has deteriorated considerably in recent years after many violations of the fundamental rights of its citizens to find itself positively projected on the international scene with an event like that of the young boy Rayan, who fell into a water well near the village of Tamorot, a community located near the town of Chaouen in the mountains of northern Morocco. In this dramatic story, Morocco had everything to gain by capturing the solidarity and affection of the whole world in order to make people forget, at least momentarily, the regime’s shortcomings.

We are not going to get into second-rate conspiracy theories such as the claims that the Moroccan regime orchestrated the fall of little Rayan for political and diplomatic gain. This is neither true nor fair. But without too much hesitation one can say that the fall of this child and the quick realization in “high places” in Rabat, the capital, that Morocco could benefit from it in the media, made it possible to exploit this episode for propaganda purposes.

We saw it. As soon as the tragedy began, all public media outlets, including radio and television stations, as well as private media outlets and the written press were all immediately put to work, with special envoys or local correspondents, to make this accident a major event in the lives of Moroccans. A tragedy that was to end with a climax: Rayan was to be brought out of his grave alive. And above all, saved by Moroccan hands.

The fall of 5-year old Rayan was a tragedy that Morocco wanted to end with a climax: Rayan was to be brought out of his grave alive. And above all, saved by Moroccan hands.

By refusing to accept foreign help, precious and experienced, by making Rayan’s rescue a strictly national affair, and by putting in place the material and technical means to succeed, the Moroccan authorities had in mind a recent, similar tragedy that shook Andalusia in 2019, a Spanish region very close to the north of Morocco. There, a child named Julen had fallen into a well and rescuers had tried to save him from a gruesome death. After 13 days of superhuman effort, the Spanish rescuers, including a team of miners with expertise in underground rescue, failed. The child was found lifeless. But, for almost two weeks, Spain had found itself at the center of the world.

Today, questions and certainties remain. In seeking to show the world Moroccan “know-how” in this field at all costs – when Morocco has none – have the authorities sinned out of vanity? Did the person or persons who piloted the Rayan operation from Rabat and knowingly refused foreign help, especially that of a very experienced Spanish team that had worked on the rescue of little Julen, get carried away by a patriotic but ingenuous, even reproachful, impulse? It is difficult to answer, as the decisions taken at the top of the state are extremely opaque.

On the other hand, and this is the main backlash, during this crisis, Moroccans discovered that a significant part of their press, especially the prolific electronic sites, had a particular vision of what the National Press Council (CNP) calls “journalistic ethics.” This official body, which has so little regard for the many ignominious violations of human dignity practiced by media close to the government, suddenly remembered that a very large part of the electronic press, many of whose members had an official press card, were in fact “yellow” media.

The CNP had to wake up from its lethargy to condemn in strong terms this trashy press for having overstepped “ethical limits” by displaying “petty sensationalism to increase the number of views, among other methods, to monetize humanitarian dramas.” The CNP was obliged to detail this “petty sensationalism,” such as the publication of photos of little Rayan dying and bloodied at the bottom of the well.

While Morocco did, in fact, benefit from international media interest during the five days of this unfortunate misadventure, it was unable to achieve the climax it had hoped for – namely, to show the world the image of a living Rayan in the hands of Moroccan rescuers. Instead, Rayan unwillingly served up on a silver platter the obscene nature of this defamatory press, which is largely funded by the taxpayer.

Arguably, the only gain for the Moroccan population from this affair is a likely new legislation, which the House of Representatives of the Moroccan Parliament is reportedly preparing, to effectively regulate the illegal but tolerated practice of well construction. In the desert, south of the country, water wells are dug to alleviate the ravages of the endemic drought that prevails there. In the mountains of Morocco, to the north, wells are used to irrigate cannabis crops, the production and sale of which has just been regulated by a new law.

A very modest outcome from such a great and ephemeral media show.

Morocco and Turkey have the potential to establish a promising political and economic cooperation, based on mutual respect and national interests. In addition to the shared cultural and religious ties, both are important geopolitical actors of the MENA region, the Mediterranean, and the Islamic world at large.

Over the past two decades, Morocco and Turkey have intensified their diplomatic relations and trade volume, sharing experience in many sectors such as migration, military cooperation, security affairs as well as the textile and construction sectors.

Turkey regards Morocco as an important partner given the dynamism of Morocco’s economy and the kingdom’s geographical location as a gateway to Africa. But there is also a competitive aspect to this relationship.

From 2011 onward, the Turkish-Moroccan relations indicate a state of reluctance to establish strong relations. Invited by the chief of the government in 2013, then Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan visited Morocco, seeking a strategic partnership, but he was not received by King Mohammed VI. Moreover, Erdoğan was boycotted by the General Confederation of Moroccan Enterprises.

While the coalition government’s leading political party, the Party for Justice and Development in Morocco, had a strong cooperation with Turkey’s JDP (Justice and Development Party or AKP), the monarchy refused to have strong relations with Turkey. However, in December 2014, King Mohammed VI and his family were received by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan at his home. It was a friendly and unofficial meeting.

In the summer of 2016, two years later, Morocco condemned the coup attempt against Turkish President Erdoğan and met the Turkish government’s demands to crack down on FETO (Fetullah Terrorist Organization) institutions in Morocco. As a response, in 2017, Morocco closed seven FETO schools and arrested many of those who are affiliated with the group.

Unbalanced Free Trade Agreements

The Turkey-Morocco free trade agreement (FTA) signed on April 7, 2004, in Ankara, and entered into force at the beginning of 2006, provides a significant impetus to bilateral cooperation.

In 2018, the trade volume between Turkey and Morocco increased to around $2.7 billion, which is a positive indicator of the agreements made earlier. Despite the gradual increase, Morocco requested a review of some clauses of the FTA after its local industries and businesses suffered a loss, and the trade balance with Turkey experienced a deficit following the entry into force of the accord in 2006.

This imbalance is due to the similarity of certain sectors in both countries, such as textiles, leather, construction, public works, and distribution networks. In parallel, the Turkish investments in the Kingdom of Morocco were not materialized as expected. The volume of Turkish investments in Morocco does not exceed 1% due to the lack of the promotion of direct Turkish investment in the country, notably through joint-venture operations. However, to increase Turkish investment, Ankara should invest in new sectors such as the pharmaceutical industry, banking services, or insurance, in addition to the establishment of joint investment platforms.

In October 2020, up to 90% additional customs taxation was imposed on Turkish products for a period of five years. These additional taxes cover a total of 1,200 different products in different categories, led by the industry, food, and textile sectors.

The changes and additional taxation were implemented after a controversial 18 months. The Moroccan government thinks that the 2004 free trade agreement with Turkey has a negative impact on Morocco’s trade deficit. For Morocco, enhancing the free trade agreement to overcome impediments for equitable sharing of benefits is critical for sustainable cooperation and is necessary for a win-win perspective.

A Strategic Partnership to What Extent?

While Morocco and Turkey’s bilateral relations are based on common interests on security, migration, development, and territorial integrity, the former Saudi-Turkish confrontation affected regional stability and led to further geopolitical polarization in the Maghreb region. The long-standing rivalry between the two important powers of North Africa, Morocco and Algeria, has always been the determining factor in the steps of international and regional powers toward the region. Maintaining economic and political relations with both countries is an important factor in Turkey’s insistence on a neutral policy toward the region’s two important countries.

One of the most sensitive and important issues is the Sahara crisis. Here, Algeria is providing both financial and political support to the Polisario militias, and Turkey’s relationship with Algeria and its lack of clarity on this issue has led to tense relations between it and Morocco.

In December 2019, the state-owned Turkish television channel TRT World aired an interview with Sahrawi separatist Aminatou Haidar. Haidar’s critical discourse towards the Moroccan state triggered a wave of criticism by Moroccan media. The broadcast was considered blackmail after a call for a readjustment of a free trade deal with Turkey by the Moroccan government.

In economic terms, the visit of Algerian Foreign Minister Sabri Bukadoum to Turkey on September 1, 2020, and his commitment to offering important opportunities to Turkish investor companies, is an indicator of the rivalry between Morocco and Algeria in the Maghreb region and the African continent.