T

he global ascent of the far right has become an alarming phenomenon, amplified by the distressing normalization of right-wing extremism. From the U.S. to countries across Europe, far right movements have branched out by displaying variation while retaining their core foundations of violence and hatred, and have adeptly aligned themselves with contemporary political issues, exploiting the expansive reach of online platforms to propagate their ideologies.

Right-wing terrorism has swiftly emerged as the rapidest growing and, in some cases, the most prominent domestic security menace, as underscored by the UN Security Council Counter-Terrorism Committee—not to mention the far right’s harmful everyday rhetoric towards migrants and people of color.

In the United States, the number of far right extremist attacks has surpassed other acts of terrorism. The reverberations of heinous incidents like the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting and the Christchurch mosque shootings remain indelible reminders of the terror wrought by far right militants. From eco-fascists to white supremacists, this month’s book bundle encompasses various prominent and influential far-right movements.

By examining the complexities of far right ideologies, their metamorphosis over time, and the necessary measures to confront them, this collection presents an invaluable resource for comprehending and engaging with this pressing global concern.

In Spreading Hate: The Global Rise of White Supremacist Terrorism, Daniel L. Byman presents a comprehensive analysis of the global white power movement, its appeal, and the imminent threat it poses. Byman’s authoritative account spans the movement’s evolution in the United States and worldwide, shedding light on its multifaceted nature.

Drawing from a wide array of sources, Byman dispels prevalent myths surrounding white power terrorism and exposes critical deficiencies in current policies. This negligence towards growing far-right terrorism has resulted in shocking acts of violence, corroding trust in democratic institutions. Byman emphasizes that mitigating this threat necessitates swift and resolute action from governments, treating white power terrorism with the same urgency as jihadist violence.

Byman highlights how white power terrorists exploit mainstream debates, amplifying polarization and yielding significant political impact, even if the death toll remains relatively low. Contrary to popular belief, the movement is not entrenched in a rigid ideology: it is dynamic, draws inspiration from global sources and leverages cutting-edge technologies, particularly social media.

While white power terrorists exhibit vulnerabilities, such as internal divisions, lackluster leadership, and attracting not only dangerous and deluded individuals but also the inept and criminal, their potential for harm remains potent.

Mitigating the dangers of right-wing terrorism entail measures such as robust law enforcement, international intelligence cooperation, stringent regulations imposed by technology companies, and other forceful interventions. Byman not only examines policy solutions but also synthesizes extensive scholarly research, making Spreading Hate essential reading for those concerned about an increasingly interconnected movement that in the years to come harbors the potential to escalate in perilousness.

Daniel Byman, Spreading Hate: The Global Rise of White Supremacist Terrorism (Oxford University Press, 2022) ISBN: 9780197537619, 288 pages

The Rise of Ecofascism: Climate Change and the Far Right delves into the connection between the climate crisis and the rise of the far right, examining their historical roots and contemporary manifestations. By exploring the far right’s evolving stance on the environment, Sam Moore and Alex Roberts reveal a shift in strategy as they come to recognize the impending crisis as an opportunity for resurgence, moving beyond climate denial to conspiracy.

Far right ecologism is brewing within online circles and manifesting as violence on the ground. The authors argue that ecofascism’s dangerous ideology, steeped in hatred is not the answer. Instead, a genuine commitment to climate justice is crucial to combat both the far right and the environmental challenges we face. A must-read for anyone interested in learning about the trend in right-wing extremism or advocating for climate justice, this book offers a powerful critique of emerging ecofascism.

Sam Moore and Alex Roberts, The Rise of Ecofascism: Climate Change and the Far Right (Polity Press, 2022) ISBN: 978-1-509-54537-7, 160 pages

When the Hood Comes Off: Racism and Resistance in the Digital Age is a timely and comprehensive exploration that delves into the manifestations of racism in the digital realm, shedding light on the emerging antiracist strategies deployed to combat it.

Rob Eschmann skillfully weaves together meticulous research and captivating personal anecdotes to uncover how racism thrives online, challenging the notion of a colorblind society. From viral videos capturing police violence against unarmed Black individuals to the exposure of racist messages and hurtful comments on social media platforms, online communication lays bare the workings of racism in our world.

In this thought-provoking study, Eschmann not only examines the impact of online racism on communities of color and society at large, but also uncovers the unexpected ways in which digital technologies facilitate innovative tools of everyday antiracist resistance.

By drawing from a vast array of data, including insightful interviews with students of color and meticulous analyses of millions of social media posts spanning a decade, Eschmann delves into the influence of online communication on face-to-face interactions.

When the Hood Comes Off underscores the internet’s potential as a powerful organizing tool, exposing the transformative power it holds. Furthermore, the book serves as a poignant reminder that online racism can serve as a profound wake-up call, prompting us to reflect on our own responses and actions.

In a world grappling with the implications of pervasive online racism, When the Hood Comes Off: Racism and Resistance in the Digital Age invites readers to contemplate the crucial question of how we will collectively respond to this urgent challenge. Eschmann’s work is a vital contribution to the ongoing conversation surrounding racism and provides valuable insights into harnessing the potential of the digital landscape for meaningful antiracist efforts.

Rob Eschmann, When the Hood Comes Off: Racism and Resistance in the Digital Age (University of California Press, 2023) ISBN: 9780520379749, 312 pages

Ukraine’s Azov Movement has emerged as one of the most audacious and perilous far-right movements worldwide. What are its core values and goals? From the Fires of War: Ukraine’s Azov Movement and the Global Far Right is groundbreaking as the first book to be written in English about Azov. Michael Colborne unveils the origins and rapid evolution of the movement, transforming from a militia composed of marginal far right individuals and football hooligans fighting against Russian-backed forces to a multifaceted social movement that has attracted global far-right admiration.

Colborne delves into the intricate mechanisms through which the Azov Movement emerged and adeptly exploits Ukraine’s fragmented social and political landscape, including the ongoing conflict following Russia’s invasion. From the Fires of War astutely reveals the movement’s grand ambitions and the threats it poses.

Michael Colborne, From the Fires of War: Ukraine’s Azov Movement and the Global Far Right (ibidem Press, 2022) ISBN: 9783838215082, 200 pages

People have migrated throughout history in search of basic resources and better living conditions. According to Francis Fukuyama, after the catastrophic world wars and the collapse of communism, the liberal democratic bloc declared itself victorious and idealism was born prophesizing that state boundaries would disappear and economies would be integrated.

Alas, no great war was in sight! However, this peaceful world vision developed a boil and a new wave of unprecedented global immigration emerged. As liberalism offered a perpetual peace, Europe, the most important representative of this theory in practice, became a top destination for emigrants who are in search of a better life. The EU has become one of the largest recipients of emigrants starting from the nearby Balkans.

Indeed, it is very difficult to account for a single reason that triggers migration from the Balkans. Reasons vary and combine economic, environmental, political, and social factors. However, generally, the academic literature on emigration studies underlines the economic reason as the primary and dominant push factor.

Migration comes along with a brain drain as the skilled labor force of poor countries gets poorer due to economic and political conditions and emigrates to richer countries for higher pay. Currently, Western Balkan countries and specifically Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia are losing their well-educated youth.

According to Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Youth Studies, in 2018, one third of young people from the Western Balkans expressed a “strong” or a “very strong” desire to emigrate from their countries, ranging from 26% in Montenegro, 27% in Bosnia, 30% in Serbia, 34% in Kosovo, 35% in North Macedonia, and 43% in Albania. These figures are even higher in some other studies.

A population loss

The emigration from the Balkans is considered a permanent one. Balkan countries are now in jeopardy of losing a substantial portion of their population density and their demographic characteristics.

Migration has a very general effect on the Balkans. Economically, if the shortage of qualified workers continues, it will discourage foreign investments and directly affecting the GDPs of Balkan countries. Critical industries may not be able to find qualified staff, especially the health sector. Politically, emigrants are mostly young and educated, and don’t give credit to the old-fashioned political clichés and the incapable political leaderships, which hide behind nationalist rhetoric.

Migration from the Balkans in numbers

According to the Institute of Statistics (INSTAT) of Albania, there have been  around 400,000 emigrants between 2011 and 2020. According to Hurriyet Daily, about 1.7 million, roughly 37% of the population, has left the country in the past 30 years.

Currently, the Albanian population is 2,837,740 and the primary destinations of emigration are Italy and Greece. According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Albania ranks 4th globally in the emigration of a skilled labor force and most youth dream of a future abroad.

Additionally, some officials and researchers don’t trust KAS numbers. According to them, KAS estimates are lower and the real numbers are higher. Also, interestingly, between 2014 and 2015, around 100,000 Kosovars emigrated to the EU, a massive emigration wave that was dismissed by the government of Kosovo at that time. The number of emigrants in 2019 was 34,911, and the chief destinations were Germany, Switzerland, Italy, and Austria.

It is hard to find an accurate data on Montenegrin emigration. According to data by the United Nations, in 2015 the population of Montenegro was 625,781. Additionally, based on UN statistics, the overall number of Montenegrin immigrants worldwide increased from 148,982 in 2010 to 153,009 in 2019. Germany receives the highest number of Montenegrin immigrants, and Italy and Luxemburg were among the most popular countries. However, in recent years, preferences have changed and intraregional migration has become more popular, especially to former Yugoslav states such as Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia due to the proximity and cultural similarities.

Lastly, the current population of Serbia is around 6,908,220. The UN estimated that emigrants from Serbia in 2017 reached nearly one million at a rate of between 30,000 and 60,000 a year since the breakup of Yugoslavia. The main destinations of Serbs are Austria, Germany, and Switzerland.

Urgent need to end brain drain

Can a common solution be found for the continuous emigration waves from the Balkans? First of all, the European Union should seriously step in and provide financial support in finding an applicable policy. Since the EU opened up for skilled labor from non-EU countries, it is partly responsible and should take responsibility for the brain drain in the Western Balkans.

Especially Germany, Austria, Italy, the Netherlands, and Switzerland should share the burden as they have benefitted the most. If the necessary precautions are not taken, Balkan countries will lose their youth and enthusiasm, and will end up empty villages within the so-called global village.

What is more, Western Balkan countries need to improve their databases on emigration. This is crucial to understanding the situation on the ground in order to formulate and recommend proper policies. Regular assessment is a must in line with accurate data and monitoring mechanisms.

The Western Balkan governments have to reverse this brain drain and encourage the sustainable return and placement of skilled emigrants in developing sectors such as IT, digitalization, robotics, design, etc. Countries could follow the example of Croatia.

The fabric of Italian politics has changed since February 2021. With the electoral triumph of Lega and Fratelli d’Italia, two far-right parties are taking the lead. Lega sits at the table of Mario Draghi’s government while Fratelli d’Italia takes a front-row seat in the opposition. At the same time, they use increased immigration to fuel the political debate in Italy.

Immigration in Italy over the years

Traditionally, migration in Italy consisted of Italians moving from the south to the north in search of better jobs and living conditions. However, this flow started to wind down in the 1970s. In its place, immigration from outside Italy started to increase in the 1980s and became noticeable in the 1990s with the enactment of the Martelli law (Law No. 39 of February 28, 1990). This law acknowledges Italy’s new “country of immigration” status. Since then, immigration increased further, and anti-immigration sentiments continued to proliferate.

“Needed but not welcome”

According to Maurizio Ambrosini, professor of sociology of migration at the University of Milan, the integration of immigrants in Italy is determined by the gap between the economic and the political-cultural paradigms. In Italian society, immigrants are “wanted but not welcome.” Economically, many regions welcome immigrants as a labor supply from which to draw.

Yet, Ambrosini adds, paradoxically, local and regional governmental institutions take measures, referred to as “local exclusion policies,” that intend to suppress migrants. These policies include cultural exclusion, such as banning the opportunity of mosques for Muslims; security exclusion, referring to local measures against irregular immigration; and economic exclusion, limiting the opening of economic activities run by immigrants (for example, running a kebab shop).

Although some of these policies have been defied by the National Office against Racial Discrimination, the situation remains essentially unchanged. Today, the far right in Italy keeps targeting immigrants and their rights while aiming to obscure them, and launching threats against them.

The 2015 “refugee crisis” and the rise of Lega and Fratelli d’Italia

Lega has been an outspoken anti-immigrant party since 1991. Initially, it held a strong stance against southern Italians. However, with immigration ramping up since the “refugee crisis”, the party drastically radicalized its political views on asylum seekers from the Middle East and North Africa. The far-right parties have used the increased migratory flows to shape their political agendas, blaming immigrants for all problems the country has had to cope with.

Since the 2019 European parliamentary elections, the support for Fratelli d’Italia has been growing at a regular pace. It gained popularity and support by pressing the European Union to leave the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, and favoring a naval blockade on North Africa to stop “illegal” immigration. Furthermore, Meloni does not want to grant Italian citizenship to children born in Italy to refugees and is an extreme advocate of Italy’s Christianity against “Islamization.” In her eyes, an ideal immigration system favors immigrants with a Christian background because they “integrate better.”

Salvini’s and Meloni’s discourse is effective. In 2019, the Pew Research Center noted that 55% of Italians had negative views towards Muslims.

And Meloni’s discourse expands internationally.

The relationship with like-minded parties across Europe is not only changing the fabric of Italian politics, but also of European politics.

In September 2020, Giorgia Meloni received a letter of endorsement from Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. The letter stated that “Italy needs a solid center-right that protects our Italian friends from the wave of immigration, that preserves the values of the traditional family and Christian culture and that helps to avoid economic collapse.” Then, in July 2021, Fratelli d’Italia and other Eurosceptic political parties united in the European Conservatives and Reformists Party (ECR Party), and signed a declaration to protest against the EU’s political position on migration. Poland’s governing Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS), France’s Rassemblement National, Austria’s Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPO), Spain’s VOX, and Italy’s Lega were among some of the other parties to sign.

In this declaration, parties from different EU countries say that their alliance is “a tool of radical forces” trying to develop a European superstate based on traditional family values against mass immigration,” adding:

“We reaffirm our belief that the family is the bedrock of our nations. When Europe faces a serious demographic crisis with low birth rates and an aging population, developing family-friendly policies should be the response, not mass immigration. We are convinced that the sovereigns in Europe are and will remain the nations and the peoples of Europe.”

The message of this declaration, namely that immigrants are to blame for all that is wrong in Italy, speaks to a growing number of voters and puts the wind in the sails of the far right in the country. The relationship with like-minded parties across Europe is not only changing the fabric of Italian politics, but also of European politics. Let us hope that their moderate counterparts can change their course to safeguard European values around solidarity, human rights, and human dignity.

A French activist screamed to police officers that violently cleared out a temporary camp in central Paris, “They are human beings; you cannot treat them as animals!” The protest broke out to demonstrate against the lack of housing that left hundreds of migrants and asylum seekers in extreme destitution on the streets.

On Monday evening, November 23, 2020, about 450 tiny blue tents were erected at Place de la République to protest the lack of shelter for 1,000 migrants, after authorities dismantled a migrant camp hosting 3,000 people in Saint-Denis, a suburb north of Paris, a week before. The peaceful protest that saw the participation of hundreds of migrants and activists was violently ended and dispersed by the police. Officers forced migrants out of their tents, chased them in the streets, fired tear gas and dispersal grenades at them, shoved people with shields, kicked them, and hit them with batons.

In recent years, police have regularly dismantled camps, exercise fields, and shanty towns all over France, harassing, chasing, and clearing out hundreds of migrants and razing their tents and shacks. At the end of September 2020, French authorities cleared out a migrant camp hosting about 800 people in Calais, in the biggest operation since the so-called Jungle shanty town was demolished in 2016. The evacuation began before dawn, with police bringing in 30 buses to transport “more than 600 people” to different reception centers. Migrants were forced to board the buses and many were not even able to pick up their personal belongings or their documents.

In 2018, France’s human rights ombudsman Jacques Toubon accused authorities of “trying to make migrants invisible” by regularly clearing out their camps without providing them with viable alternatives. At the end of 2019, the Ministry of Interior stated that 52% of eligible applicants were effectively accommodated, meaning that more than half of the registered asylum seekers in France are left without accommodation every year. Evictions, carried out in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, are only worsening France’s long-lasting problems with inadequate housing, as activist groups have repeatedly warned that such mass evacuations do not tend to deter migrants from coming back to the area a few days later. In the past 12 months, authorities have carried out at least 1,079 evictions of shelters across France, mainly in the northern coast and almost on a daily basis. However, as long as there is no accommodation available for migrants, they are forced to live on the streets.

In July, the European Court of Human Rights ordered France to pay compensation to three asylum-seekers who were “forced to sleep rough in inhuman and degrading conditions for several months (…) having no means of subsistence, and constantly in fear of being attacked or robbed.” The court found that French officials had “failed in their duties” and were in breach of Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

Tearing down migrants’ temporary homes, dealing with them with brutality, and depriving them of their limited stability and belongings is not a solution. What migrants need is a safe shelter, and to live in dignity and without fear.

France still does not meet its obligations under Article 3 of the convention, as it forces asylum seekers and even recognized refugees who are wholly dependent on state support to live without shelter in a state of extreme destitution. Under European law, France violates Articles 17.2 and 18.1 of the Directive 2013/33/EU, requiring member states to provide asylum seekers with reception conditions that ensure an adequate standard of living, guaranteeing their subsistence, and protecting their physical and mental health. Under international law, France breaches specifically Article 11.1 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights recognizing the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living, including adequate housing.

Tearing down migrants’ temporary homes, dealing with them with brutality, and depriving them of their limited stability and belongings is not a solution. What migrants need is a safe shelter, and to live in dignity and without fear. The repeated dismantling of migrant camps is a violent and disproportionate operation that worsens the accommodation problem which France claims it aims to solve, and forces already displaced people to be constantly on the move.