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talian officials and lawmakers are voicing growing anger over plans to deploy U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents to assist with security during the Milano Cortina 2026 Winter Olympics, with critics warning that the move undermines Italy’s sovereignty and democratic security standards.

Current and former Italian lawmakers have urged Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni to intervene and prevent the agents’ deployment, citing ICE’s controversial role in President Donald Trump’s intensified immigration crackdown.

Former Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte called on the government to “set our own limits,” following recent fatal incidents involving ICE agents in the United States. “After street violence and murders in the U.S., we cannot allow this,” Conte wrote on X, adding: “Enough with the bowing.”

Milan pushes back

Reports that ICE agents would be deployed to Milan ahead of the Games triggered protests, petitions, and sharp criticism from city officials.

Milan Mayor Giuseppe Sala said local authorities “do not need ICE” to secure the Olympics and declared the agency “not welcome in Milan.”

“This is a militia that kills,” Sala told Italian radio station RTL 102.5. “This isn’t about breaking relations with the United States, but about whether we can say ‘no.’”

Opposition lawmaker Carlo Calenda echoed the criticism, saying ICE agents “must not set foot in Italy,” describing the agency as “violent, unprepared, and out of control.”

U.S. officials seek to reassure

US officials moved quickly to clarify ICE’s role at the Games, stressing that the agency would not carry out immigration enforcement on Italian soil.

A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson said ICE’s Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) unit would play a limited security role, while US Ambassador to Italy Tilman Fertitta said its involvement would be “strictly advisory and intelligence-based,” with no patrol or enforcement duties.

The U.S. State Department said its Diplomatic Security Service is leading American security efforts in Milan, with HSI supporting risk assessments related to transnational criminal threats. All security operations, U.S. officials stressed, will remain under Italian authority.

The U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee also said it does not work with US domestic law enforcement or immigration agencies, including ICE, in the planning or execution of the Games.

Wider backlash

The controversy comes amid heightened scrutiny of ICE in the United States following the killing of two U..S citizens in Minneapolis in recent weeks, incidents that have fueled nationwide protests against immigration raids.

Some Americans living in Milan said the planned deployment damaged the US image abroad. Speaking anonymously, one expatriate said, “They don’t have jurisdiction here. I don’t understand why they would come at all.”

Italian authorities have not yet confirmed whether the deployment will proceed.

(Source: CNN)

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hen assessed as a whole across four contexts, the Turkey-Italy-Libya Summit has signaled the first signs of a search for a new balance in the Mediterranean. In the geostrategic sphere, a framework linking the Eastern Mediterranean and Sub-Saharan Africa. In the economic sphere, a development vision supported by energy, integration and logistics routes. In the regional cooperation sphere, technical committees, multilateral formats and a process institutionalized with UN support, and finally, in the context of EU security, common solutions to irregular migration and human trafficking stand out.

The trilateral summit between Turkey, Italy and Libya, held in Istanbul in early August, was a critical meeting where long-term strategic lines for the Mediterranean basin and Africa were discussed. This summit also presents a framework that is coherent in terms of geostrategic, economic, regional cooperation and European security contexts. Each of these contexts exists and functions as interlinked rings. Therefore, it is a fact that this trilateral summit cannot be reduced to a single dimensional parameter.

From the Eastern Mediterranean to Sub-Saharan Africa

One of the most critical aspects of the tripartite summit is the new equation it presents in a geostrategic context. The Eastern Mediterranean has long been at the center of attention due to energy discoveries, disputes over maritime jurisdiction and regional competition. The maritime jurisdiction agreement signed by Turkey with Libya in 2019 invalidated the plans of Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration (GCA) and suspended projects such as the EastMed pipeline. Today, the fact that Italy, a member of the EU and NATO, is sitting at the same table with Turkey and Libya confirms this agreement. Thus, a geopolitical reality has emerged in which Greece and the GCA are isolated, and the Ankara-Tripoli-Rome axis has been strengthened.

However, in this geostrategic picture, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and Turkey are dimensions that should not be overlooked. Israel’s rhetoric has recently increased, tending to portray Turkey as a “threat center”. As in the cases of Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Iran, the reasons cited are the expansion of defense industry capacity, the construction of a nuclear energy reactor for peaceful purposes, and support for Palestine. In particular, allegations are being made that the nuclear power plant in Akkuyu is intended for a nuclear weapons program. Furthermore, Turkey’s UAV base in the TRNC, its signal intelligence facilities and its reconnaissance and surveillance capabilities are being presented by Israel as potential threats. These statements actually reveal that Israel has pursued a strategy of dividing the area into small pieces rather than engaging in a major conflict directly, thereby restricting the opponent’s room for maneuver through rhetoric and alliances.

To this end, Israel is increasing its efforts to build closer ties with the Republic of Cyprus and Greece. It is noteworthy that, despite Turkey not pursuing a policy of hostility towards any actor in its own region or within the global system, various actors share common ground with Israel through their opposition to Turkey. In this context, the Turkey-Italy-Libya cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean has the potential to act as a balancing factor against new alliance initiatives targeting Turkey, in addition to energy and migration issues and the Cyprus case.

Energy, Integration and Logistics Routes

The economic agenda became a natural complement to the geostrategic picture. At the summit, joint projects in the energy, oil and gas sectors, port investments, infrastructure projects and Libya’s connection to regional projects in the Mediterranean in terms of connectivity were at the forefront. Indeed, these issues serve as tools for economic cooperation and strategic integration. Turkey’s infrastructure and construction experience, combined with Italy’s energy investments through ENI, present a critical opportunity for cooperation in Libya’s reconstruction process.

In terms of logistics routes, the transformation of Libya’s ports into a new bridge to Europe and the interior of Africa is in line with the common interests of the three countries. Thus, it creates an effect that strengthens economic integration, security and geopolitical interests. At this point, the potential of economic development to mitigate the driving factors of migration will also enable energy and infrastructure projects to have a mitigating effect on irregular migration in the future. Therefore, it is considered that the economic agenda is directly linked to the migration and security agendas.

From technical level to multilateralism

On the other hand, the institutionalization of regional cooperation is the third link that completes the economic context. The establishment of technical level committees in a tripartite structure at the Summit enables the committees to begin working on concrete steps. The mechanisms formed by the committees aim to transform cooperation from abstract declarations of intent into action. In addition, the quadripartite format proposed by Libyan Prime Minister Dibeybe, which would include Qatar and involve ministers, demonstrates the intention to broaden the scope of cooperation. Qatar’s financial, humanitarian and logistical contributions are a factor that will increase the feasibility of the projects.

This situation signals that regional coordination will evolve beyond the Mediterranean coastal countries to include the Gulf countries. Furthermore, the political process to be conducted with UN facilitation and the support given to the elections reflect Turkey’s approach to enhancing the role of the UN in the international system. Indeed, in the face of increasing criticism of the UN and the questioning of its role in the international system, Turkey appears to be making a positive effort. Therefore, it can be said that Turkey aims to strengthen the legitimacy of the multilateral system, beyond bilateral and trilateral relations.

Common solutions to common challenges

As the fourth and final link, the migration issue has emerged as one of the most prominent topics of the Summit. Migration is a matter directly related to European Union (EU) security. Italy, as one of the most vulnerable countries on the EU’s southern border, considers limiting migration flows a vital priority.

Meanwhile, Turkey has long been implementing joint projects with Europe to combat irregular migration and human trafficking. Libya, as the main departure point for migration routes, is at the center of this triangle. The Summit was expected to discuss action plans to combat human trafficking networks, prevent irregular movements, and support Libya in managing migration pressures. The important point here is that migration is being addressed both as a security issue and as an economic and humanitarian matter. Italian Prime Minister Meloni’s desire to transfer the cooperation experience with Turkey, which she described as ‘excellent results,’ to Libya can be seen as a sign that the EU will also be indirectly involved in this process.

This context also serves as a reminder that Turkey is an integral part of EU security. Ankara’s role has the potential to counteract the influence of policies within the EU that prioritize the narrow interests of Greece and the Republic of Cyprus. Thus, migration can be seen not only as a crisis issue but also as a basis for establishing a new security architecture between Turkey and Europe.

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taly’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni hosted African leaders in Rome on Monday to unveil her long-anticipated development plan for Africa, known as the Mattei Plan. This initiative, aimed at reshaping Italy’s relations with African nations, comes at a crucial time when global powers are intensifying their presence on the African continent.

Prime Minister Meloni, known for her far-right stance on migration, introduced the Mattei Plan, a strategic vision inspired by Enrico Mattei, founder of Italy’s state-owned energy giant Eni. The plan positions Italy as a pivotal bridge between Africa and Europe, proposing a unique approach – swapping energy investments for efforts by African nations to curb migration, particularly across the Mediterranean Sea.

The Mattei Plan, initially funded at €5.5 billion ($5.9 billion), includes investments in various sectors such as energy, agriculture, water, health, and education. Meloni envisions Italy becoming a central energy gateway, aligning with European countries’ goals to reduce dependence on Russian gas.

Global context and critics’ concerns

This ambitious plan unfolds against the backdrop of Italy’s heightened interest in Africa and its G7 presidency in 2024. However, critics argue that Italy, burdened by substantial debt, may struggle to compete with other global players like China, Russia, and Gulf states, all vying for influence in Africa. Some detractors also highlight the plan’s emphasis on fossil fuels, calling for a more substantial focus on renewable energy to address the urgent needs of over 40% of Africans lacking energy access.

As Italy engages with Africa, the Mattei Plan intersects with broader foreign policy objectives. It follows Prime Minister Meloni’s recent visit to Turkey, where she aimed to strengthen ties with key nations. Italy seeks to expand trade and defense deals while addressing migration challenges collaboratively, notably with Libya.

The summit, titled “A bridge for common growth,” witnessed representatives from more than 25 countries, including European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and officials from UN agencies and the World Bank. Meloni hailed the summit as successful, emphasizing the potential for cooperation, particularly in the energy sector.

However, discord emerged during the summit, with Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairman of the African Union Commission, expressing the desire for prior African consultation on priorities. He stressed the need to move from promises to concrete actions, urging participants to honor commitments.

Italy’s geostrategic focus and global competitions

Italy’s strategic focus on Africa aligns with a global trend where major powers are expanding their influence on the continent. While Italy aims to position itself as a key player, it faces stiff competition from other nations actively engaging with Africa, including China, Russia, India, Japan, and Turkey.

The Mattei Plan involves pilot projects addressing issues at the root of migration, such as modernizing grain production in Egypt, purifying water in Ethiopia, and providing renewable energy training in Morocco. The success of these initiatives will depend on effective collaboration, addressing concerns of African nations, and navigating the complexities of international partnerships in a highly competitive global context.

Italy’s diplomatic initiatives under Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni mark a significant shift in strategy, positioning the country as a key actor on the global stage. As the Mattei Plan unfolds, its repercussions are poised to reverberate throughout the African continent and European geopolitics in the coming years. Italy’s diplomatic ambitions, encompassing both Africa and Turkey, indicate a calculated effort to carve out a unique and influential role in the ever-evolving landscape of international relations.

India and Italy

In a poignant reflection on the robust relationship between Italy and India, Italian Ambassador Vincenzo De Luca highlights the strides made in bilateral ties throughout 2023. With Italy poised to assume the G7 presidency in 2024, the Ambassador acknowledges India’s exemplary role in addressing global concerns and underscores the mutual commitment of both nations to building a stable and interconnected world.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s visit to India in March 2023 marked a watershed moment in bilateral relations. The meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi set the stage for a new era of collaboration, emphasizing key areas such as defense, space, connectivity, and energy transition. A joint statement emerged, providing a robust framework for future cooperation.

The diplomatic momentum continued with PM Meloni’s visit to India for the G20 summit in September. This engagement facilitated high-level talks, involving Deputy PM and Foreign Affairs Minister Antonio Tajani, Defense Minister Rajnath Singh, and Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal from Italy, along with India’s External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defense Minister Rajnath Singh. These interactions solidified the foundation for a multifaceted partnership.

In a groundbreaking move, Germany, France, and Italy have reached an accord on the future regulatory approach to artificial intelligence (AI), as per a joint document reviewed by Reuters. This consensus is a pivotal moment that is likely to hasten the ongoing policy discussions at the European Union level regarding AI governance.

The joint paper delineates a framework emphasizing “mandatory self-regulation through codes of conduct” specific to foundational AI models. These models, which are critical to generating diverse AI outputs, will now be subject to a new regulatory regime that focuses on their application rather than on the technology per se.

Amidst active dialogue among the European Commission, the European Parliament, and the EU Council, this tri-nation agreement marks a significant stride towards a unified EU stance on AI. The document outlines the introduction of “model cards” — detailed descriptions provided by developers that clarify a machine learning model’s capabilities and limitations, rooted in the best practices of the AI development community.

An AI governance body

A novel feature of the proposed regulatory framework is the establishment of an AI governance body. Tasked with formulating guidelines and ensuring compliance with model card standards, this body will play a crucial role in overseeing the responsible deployment of AI technologies.

In a move supportive of innovation, the agreement initially recommends against the immediate imposition of sanctions. However, it does propose the eventual creation of a sanctions mechanism to address persistent violations of the established code of conduct.

Germany’s Economy Ministry, alongside the Ministry of Digital Affairs, has taken a leadership role in the discussions, advocating for regulatory measures that focus on AI’s application rather than the underlying technology itself. Digital Affairs Minister Volker Wissing lauded the agreement, stressing the importance of regulating AI applications to ensure Europe’s competitiveness in the global AI market.

Delicate balance needed

Economic Affairs State Secretary Franziska Brantner expressed the delicate balance needed between capitalizing on AI’s potential and curtailing its risks, especially in an area that is still navigating uncharted legal territory.

This trilateral consensus comes at a critical juncture as global governments increasingly prioritize AI, with Britain hosting its inaugural AI safety summit just last month. Germany is also set to host a digital summit in the city of Jena, which is expected to gather political, business, and academic thought leaders to further delve into AI and its broader implications.

The agreement will likely influence upcoming discussions when German and Italian officials meet in Berlin for talks later this week, with AI regulation undoubtedly a key agenda item. The collaborative stance of Germany, France, and Italy signifies a concerted effort to steer AI development in a direction that is innovative yet ethically sound and well-regulated.

Sources: Reuters and CNBC

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wo months after the collapse of Mario Draghi’s unity government, Giorgia Meloni, a far-right candidate, is set to become the first woman prime minister in Italy.

The roots of the Brothers of Italy— Giorgia Meloni’s party—in the Italian Social Movement (MSI), known to be the successor of Mussolini’s fascism, sparks debates about the implications of her leadership and policies.

Italy had no comparable de-Nazification process to Germany whereby the fascist parties were enforced to reform. The logo of Meloni’s party maintains the tricolor flame, perceived as the fire burning on Mussolini’s tomb; however, Meloni strongly rejects any fascist label.

As a teenager, she participated in the youth wing of Italy’s neo-fascist movement. In 2008, Meloni served as Italy’s youngest-ever minister. In 2012, she founded Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia) as a right-wing, populist, and national-conservative political party. In the last election that took place in 2018, she won 4.4% of the votes.

On the Sunday snap elections, Brothers of Italy garnered around 26% of the votes. Her right-wing alliance with Matteo Salvini (Northern League) and Silvio Berlusconi (Forza Italia) gives the right a majority in parliament, claiming both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies with around 44% of the vote.

The lack of an electoral coalition between the center-left Democratic Party and the Five Star Movement in a disproportionate system allows them this majority. Meloni’s government is to form Italy’s most right-wing government since World War II.

Hard-line conservative policies

Meloni’s campaign ran on the preservation of Christian identity and the “traditional” family, and Italian patriotism under the slogan of “God, family and homeland.” In a rally of the Spanish far-right Vox party Meloni stated, “Yes, to the natural family, no to LGBT lobbies!”

Her views on abortion and migrants bring concerns to many. The leader has pledged to impose a naval block on Libya and push back “masses of illegal immigrants.” Her coalition partner Matteo Salvini closed migrant camps and blocked boats carrying migrants rescued from the Mediterranean from entering port when he was interior minister.

At the same rally in Spain, she continued, “No to Islamist violence, yes to secure borders, no to mass migration… no to big international finance… no to the bureaucrats of Brussels!”

Meloni also vows to put Italians’ interests above everything in the EU. Some critics frame her prime ministry as a danger to the EU, often comparing her to Viktor Orbán of Hungary who is often in the headlines due to his quarrels with the EU.

However, it is important to note that Italy is dependent on EU funds which it has little interest in putting at risk, especially at a time of energy and living crises. Italy suffers one of the worst impacts of the pandemic and recession in Europe, and receives the heaviest portion of the EU recovery fund.

Meloni has supported Ukraine during the Russian invasion and stands for the sanctions against Russia in line with Italy’s Western allies. However, Salvini has maintained that sanctions against Russia should be reconsidered. Like many countries in Europe, Italy also is dependent on Russian energy.

Meloni has pledged tax cuts on energy and other essential items to curb economic issues, and has promised to introduce a flat tax for the self-employed and renegotiate Italy’s massive EU COVID19 recovery plan.

She also wants to end Italy’s ban on nuclear power. Meanwhile, her party seeks to up Italy’s birth rate with increased family allowances.

Lastly, the far-right leader wants to bring constitutional change and have Italy’s president elected by popular vote.

Brothers of Italy are mostly experienced in local government. At a particularly challenging time to ascend to government, the party has a lot to prove by tackling large-scale issues like the economy.

Written By Dilara Özer – ISTANBUL.

The fabric of Italian politics has changed since February 2021. With the electoral triumph of Lega and Fratelli d’Italia, two far-right parties are taking the lead. Lega sits at the table of Mario Draghi’s government while Fratelli d’Italia takes a front-row seat in the opposition. At the same time, they use increased immigration to fuel the political debate in Italy.

Immigration in Italy over the years

Traditionally, migration in Italy consisted of Italians moving from the south to the north in search of better jobs and living conditions. However, this flow started to wind down in the 1970s. In its place, immigration from outside Italy started to increase in the 1980s and became noticeable in the 1990s with the enactment of the Martelli law (Law No. 39 of February 28, 1990). This law acknowledges Italy’s new “country of immigration” status. Since then, immigration increased further, and anti-immigration sentiments continued to proliferate.

“Needed but not welcome”

According to Maurizio Ambrosini, professor of sociology of migration at the University of Milan, the integration of immigrants in Italy is determined by the gap between the economic and the political-cultural paradigms. In Italian society, immigrants are “wanted but not welcome.” Economically, many regions welcome immigrants as a labor supply from which to draw.

Yet, Ambrosini adds, paradoxically, local and regional governmental institutions take measures, referred to as “local exclusion policies,” that intend to suppress migrants. These policies include cultural exclusion, such as banning the opportunity of mosques for Muslims; security exclusion, referring to local measures against irregular immigration; and economic exclusion, limiting the opening of economic activities run by immigrants (for example, running a kebab shop).

Although some of these policies have been defied by the National Office against Racial Discrimination, the situation remains essentially unchanged. Today, the far right in Italy keeps targeting immigrants and their rights while aiming to obscure them, and launching threats against them.

The 2015 “refugee crisis” and the rise of Lega and Fratelli d’Italia

Lega has been an outspoken anti-immigrant party since 1991. Initially, it held a strong stance against southern Italians. However, with immigration ramping up since the “refugee crisis”, the party drastically radicalized its political views on asylum seekers from the Middle East and North Africa. The far-right parties have used the increased migratory flows to shape their political agendas, blaming immigrants for all problems the country has had to cope with.

Since the 2019 European parliamentary elections, the support for Fratelli d’Italia has been growing at a regular pace. It gained popularity and support by pressing the European Union to leave the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, and favoring a naval blockade on North Africa to stop “illegal” immigration. Furthermore, Meloni does not want to grant Italian citizenship to children born in Italy to refugees and is an extreme advocate of Italy’s Christianity against “Islamization.” In her eyes, an ideal immigration system favors immigrants with a Christian background because they “integrate better.”

Salvini’s and Meloni’s discourse is effective. In 2019, the Pew Research Center noted that 55% of Italians had negative views towards Muslims.

And Meloni’s discourse expands internationally.

The relationship with like-minded parties across Europe is not only changing the fabric of Italian politics, but also of European politics.

In September 2020, Giorgia Meloni received a letter of endorsement from Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. The letter stated that “Italy needs a solid center-right that protects our Italian friends from the wave of immigration, that preserves the values of the traditional family and Christian culture and that helps to avoid economic collapse.” Then, in July 2021, Fratelli d’Italia and other Eurosceptic political parties united in the European Conservatives and Reformists Party (ECR Party), and signed a declaration to protest against the EU’s political position on migration. Poland’s governing Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS), France’s Rassemblement National, Austria’s Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPO), Spain’s VOX, and Italy’s Lega were among some of the other parties to sign.

In this declaration, parties from different EU countries say that their alliance is “a tool of radical forces” trying to develop a European superstate based on traditional family values against mass immigration,” adding:

“We reaffirm our belief that the family is the bedrock of our nations. When Europe faces a serious demographic crisis with low birth rates and an aging population, developing family-friendly policies should be the response, not mass immigration. We are convinced that the sovereigns in Europe are and will remain the nations and the peoples of Europe.”

The message of this declaration, namely that immigrants are to blame for all that is wrong in Italy, speaks to a growing number of voters and puts the wind in the sails of the far right in the country. The relationship with like-minded parties across Europe is not only changing the fabric of Italian politics, but also of European politics. Let us hope that their moderate counterparts can change their course to safeguard European values around solidarity, human rights, and human dignity.

It may have taken four years, but the Italian investigation of the killing of doctoral student Giulio Regeni, in February 2016, was conclusive. Regeni was killed at the hands of members of Egypt’s security agency, Italian prosecutors concluded on December 10, 2020. But, the story doesn’t end here.

Since the mutilated body of Regeni was discovered in a ditch by the side of a highway at the outskirts of the Egyptian capital, Cairo, relations between Italy and Egypt deteriorated, or at least it appeared so.

Pressured by relentless Italian media coverage of the grisly murder of the once-promising student, the Italian government was eventually forced to act, especially as the Egyptian government denied any responsibility or knowledge of the circumstances that led to the killing.

In April 2016, Rome recalled its ambassador to Cairo as a show of frustration in the face of Egyptian unwillingness to apprehend the perpetrators. A few weeks later, on April 29, then Foreign Affairs Minister, Paolo Gentiloni, insisted in an interview with the official RAI radio that “a return to normality of relations depends on serious collaboration” on the Regeni case, adding that Italy was “maintaining a position of dissatisfaction”.

What then seemed an uncompromising position became flexible a year or so later, when the country’s new Foreign Minister Angelino Alfano declared, in August 2017, that “it’s impossible for countries that are in front of each other not to have high-level political and diplomatic relations.”

Since then, and despite public statements expressing indignation towards Egypt’s reluctance to investigate, let alone take responsibility for Regeni’s murder, relations between the two countries were quickly restored, in fact, thrived in terms of cooperation in military trade and other areas.

Although Egypt is constantly criticized by international rights groups for its systematic violations of human rights, it still remains one of Italy’s major arms importers. Despite a call made by Human Rights Watch to Italy to halt arms sales to Egypt, the flow of weapons continued uninterrupted. On June 11, 2020, for example, the Italian government approved the sale of two warships to Egypt, a decision that was confirmed, despite protestations, in August.

Hypocrisy in Italy’s handling of Regeni’s case becomes more evident when Egypt’s dismal human rights record is considered

In fact, according to Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “Italian arms sales to Egypt tripled in 2019, and plans for a series of arms deals for 2020 total €11 billion.”

This hypocrisy in Italy’s handling of Regeni’s case becomes more evident when Egypt’s dismal human rights record is considered. Italian officials and media are now treating the two issues, that of trade and diplomatic ties, on the one hand, and Regeni’s murder and human rights violations, on the other, as if two separate matters.

While such moral stances are highly admirable, one wonders why this constant emphasis on Egypt’s poor human rights records was absent in Italian media and mainstream intellectuals following the brutal military coup in 2013. It was then that the Egyptian dictator, Sisi, overthrew democratically elected President Mohammed Morsi, killing thousands and imprisoning many more in the process.

Italy is not the only western power that conducts its foreign policy dealings with obvious double standards. Former U.S. President Barack Obama, too, refused to call Morsi’s ouster a military coup at the time. Italy is merely following suit.

The same logic can be applied to this odd separation between intrinsically linked matters, arming the very state that derives its legitimacy through violence.

Italy is not the only western power that conducts its foreign policy dealings with obvious double standards. Former U.S. President Barack Obama, too, refused to call Morsi’s ouster a military coup at the time. Italy is merely following suit.

But the hypocrisy in the Italian case is even more palpable, as the brutality of the regime and refusal to abide by the minimal standards of justice and transparency has affected more than the Egyptians themselves, but an Italian national as well.

The Italian government cannot plead ignorance, as in not knowing the full extent and persistence of human rights violations in Egypt. Indeed, the Middle Eastern country, aside from Israel, is the most unrepentant human rights violator in the whole region.

In fact, what has befallen the Italian victim, Regeni, is precisely what has fallen on thousands of Egyptians in the last few years. “Despite the continuous demands of the Egyptian authorities for the necessity to stop the use of enforced disappearance against citizens due to its severe negative effects on the disappeared and their families, they do not back down from expanding its use against larger segments of citizens,” the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms (ECRF) stated in a recent report.

The same sentiment was conveyed by Amnesty International in its 2016-17 report, which covered the time frame of Regeni’s murder and official cover-up by the regime. According to Amnesty, the very National Security Agency (NSA) – which was directly incriminated by Italian prosecutors in December – has “abducted hundreds of people without judicial order and held them incommunicado for prolonged periods, outside of judicial oversight and without access to family members or legal representation.”

And as in Regeni’s case, the Egyptian government “continued to deny that such enforced disappearances occurred”.

The story of Regeni may, on the surface, appear to be a genuine search for justice and a hunt down for his murderers. However, a deeper look indicates that it is also a story of official hypocrisy on the part of the Italian government, and merely one of the numerous tragic murders and forced disappearances conducted by the Egyptian authorities.

If justice is to be served, those who have murdered Regeni, and thousands of innocent Egyptians, must see their day in court. They should include, not only the goons of the NSA, but the very men who are receiving Europe’s highest, but most undeserved, honors.

In the past few months Luigi Di Maio, the youngest Italian Foreign Minister since Galeazzo Ciano, who served from 1936 until 1943 in the nefarious government of his father-in-law, Benito Mussolini, has been involved in rebuilding the international supply chain and reopening borders to free circulation after the country was hit hard by COVID-19. However, Di Maio’s second priority has been to protect Italy’s interests in Libya in the new scenario that emerged after Turkish intervention in favor of the internationally recognized Government of National Accord (GNA).

Italian Foreign Policy on Libya

Irregular migration, energy and security are the three main Italian interests in Libya. Despite the diversification policies since the early 1970s, Libya still plays a relevant role in Italy’s energy policy because of the amount of oil imported, the exceptional quality of Libyan crude oil, and the Greenstream subsea gas pipeline laid by the Italian energy giant, ENI (State Hydrocarbons Authority), and opened in 2004. Moreover, for Rome, Libyan gas is probably the only reliable alternative to Russian natural gas.

As in all European countries, the issue of immigration is at the top of the political debate in Italy too. Most of the irregular migrants entering the country come from the shores of Libya. The issue has created enormous tensions domestically – just remember that the Catholic Church has pressed for a policy of open borders, but the Italian right is basing much of their populist discourse on stopping migration by all means. Irregular migration has also created significant tension at the EU level, which is refusing the modification of the Dublin Regulation.

Future perspectives

Thus, Di Maio’s priority is to provide stability in the country, to provide security, the flow of oil and natural gas, and the containment of irregular immigration. For Rome, the ideal option is to reach a political compromise between the different parts and maintain the unity of the country. However, in the present situation, where different regional and global actors have sided with opposing groups, it appears a remote option.

Turkish intervention in favor of the GNA has even reduced the chances for an Italian role and has created a situation that (from Rome’s viewpoint) resembles the first phases of the unending Syrian crisis. Consequently, Italy is now faced with a difficult choice of taking a leading role opposing Ankara or cooperating with it.

Di Maio initially attempted to reduce the GNA’s dependency on Ankara with a more active and independent role. Nevertheless, this would mean a radical shift in Italian foreign policy and unprecedented deployment of its military as well as economic resources. This is unlikely because of three constraining elements. Firstly, foreign policy choices must enjoy domestic support. The Italian media, however, continue to follow the Libyan crisis sporadically and without interest. Italian public opinion also deplores the use of military force as an instrument of foreign policy, as an “enemy” is not regarded as an implacable foe that needs to be confronted with military power and, instead, can be more effectively engaged using diplomacy.

Secondly, Italian defense policy, as stated by the White Book of the Italian Ministry of Defense, is concentrated on the Euro-Atlantic geopolitical area and on the Euro-Mediterranean geopolitical area. The Euro-Atlantic security is guaranteed by NATO, EU, “common values” and strong economic and cultural ties. The Euro-Mediterranean area, however, is characterized by anarchy and suffers political and economic instability and intra-state competition. Yet, despite its relevance, it is very unlikely that the Italian Armed Forces can intervene in the Euro-Mediterranean area outside the U.S.-led mission scenario –  something that the Trump administration is not considering.

Consequently, Italy has pointed to a UN-sponsored solution to the crisis and to the reinforcement of Mission Irini, the EU military operation to enforce the arms embargo to Libya. Both efforts appear difficult in materializing when key members of the EU and permanent members of the Security Council either backed Haftar (Russia and France), who aims to destroy the GNA militarily or are uninterested in the crisis (U.S., U.K., and China).

Italy has relatively small economic resources to invest in Libya or to apply pressure. Because of the huge public debt and the poor performance of its economy, the country cannot afford big investments abroad. Private investments are also unlikely. Major companies like FIAT or UniCredit, which have been important actors of Italian foreign policy in Libya and the East Mediterranean, are now focused on the American or internal market. The only relevant economic player is ENI, which has been active in Libya since 1959 and has lobbied the Italian government extensively.

Exactly because of these three restrictions, to not lose a role in North Africa, Italy should look into a compromise with Turkey, which deployed enormous resources in Libya. However, this compromise may need brave decisions: Turkey’s image with the Italian public is particularly poor, and the Rome-Ankara alliance may damage relations with France, Greece, and Egypt. With the first two countries, there is a high level of interconnection that will not be damaged by an eventual competition in Libya. Moreover, Paris has been frequently in conflict with Rome on the issue of migration and proved highly destabilizing in Libya. Italian policymakers define Egypt as an “inescapable partner” in the Middle East. This view has been maintained even after Giulio Regeni’s brutal killing in February 2016, presumably by members of the Egyptian security apparatus, and the fact that none have been brought to justice.

At the moment Italy appears to be in a cul de sac in Libya with a young Foreign Minister who will not be able to change Italian foreign policy because he lacks strong political support; his party is in turmoil and he recently lost its leadership. Everybody hopes, though, that he will not share the young Foreign Minister Ciano’s fate, who watched powerless the decline of Italy’s power in the Mediterranean.