mmanuel Macron's statement on French colonial history and memory in Algeria and his sharp criticism of the Algerian regime sparked a political crisis between the two countries, which are linked with more than 130 years of colonial history.
Algeria under French rule and Palestine under Israeli rule are no exception to such colonial violence.
According to the established terminology, Morocco and Algeria are two "brotherly countries" in the Maghreb.
My Grandfather’s Fight against Colonialization in Algeria: The Scars of French War Crimes Won’t Be Forgotten
substantial part of my research investigates the postcolonial history of Algeria.
" Larbi Ben Mhidi, FLN Founding Member as portrayed in The Battle of Algiers (1966) In February 2019, the bid for a fifth term was announced on behalf of Algeria’s former president Abdelaziz Bouteflika who was debilitated after suffering a stroke in 2013.
he ongoing protests in Algeria are regarded as reminders of the early days of the Arab revolutions in 2011, when millions poured to the streets in many countries across the Middle East.
hile it has not yet accepted that the state directly engaged in systematic torture, France has finally recognized that the French state instigated a system that led to torture during the Algerian war.
Although Algeria’s president visited Saied and approved a loan of $300 million, this does not mean that Algiers will support the coup unconditionally, or that it will agree to all of Saied’s policies.
Read: The Morality of Violence in Settler-Colonial Contexts: From Algeria to PalestinePalestinian sports infrastructure and players have also been targeted by Israel.
Turkey's alliance formation was limited to Algeria and the Libyan Government of National Accord (GNA), while limitations from the European power also hindered the process.
Read: Hostile Brothers: The Strained Morocco-Algeria Relations Only Serve to Destabilize North AfricaAs two regional powers that share common security interests and concerns in the Maghreb, Morocco and Turkey are both engaged in the Libyan conflict and called on all parties to reach a ceasefire.
Prime examples include the competition between Nigeria and South Africa for unofficial leadership of pan-Africanism, the confrontation of Egypt and Ethiopia over control of the Nile River Valley, and long-simmering tensions pitting Algeria against Morocco in North Africa and Kenya against Tanzania in East Africa.
This proved as true in Vietnam as it did earlier in Algeria (1954-1962), Cuba (1953-1959) and even South Africa, which history of armed struggle has been largely written out in favor of what is meant to appear as a ‘peaceful’ anti-apartheid struggle.
Thus, Russia is turning to countries in Africa with which it had close ties during the Soviet period, especially in North Africa and the Horn of Africa, and has already signed economic and military agreements with Egypt, Algeria, Mauritania, Ethiopia, Mozambique, and the Central African Republic.
The international community has also failed to pressure Israel to allow the implementation of long-term projects in the Gaza Stirp that would solve the issue of power outages in the coastal enclave such as the proposal by Turkey to send a floating power plant; the proposal by Qatar to convert the power plant so that it operates on gas and to establish a gas line to provide Gaza’s power plant with the needed gas; or Algeria’s proposal to send fuel to operate the power plant.
What was seen by Israeli leaders as a temporary setback was the result of intense, behind-the-scenes lobbying of several African and Arab countries, including South Africa and Algeria.