Don’t tell me stories! Muslims, have you gone to see them? Have you watched them with their turbans and jellabiyas? You can see that they are not French!” In 1959, when Algeria was still a French colony, de Gaulle used a metaphor to explain the difference between the French and Arabs when talking to MP Alain Peyrefitte: "No matter how much you mix vinegar and olive oil, after a while they separate.
Read: The Hirak Movement in Algeria Continues to Demand ChangeFidel Castro remained the effective ruler of Cuba for almost half a century after seizing power in 1959, while Yoweri Museveni, who on coming to power in Uganda in 1986 proclaimed that African leaders stayed in office for far too long, is still there thirty-five years later.
Indeed, when the Arab Spring started or ended is up for debate: the protests in Sudan and Algeria in 2019 that toppled dictatorial regimes underlined the intricate complexity of politics in the Arab world in the aftermath of the Arab Spring.
” Whatever this being French is, in Algeria under French colonial rule those who took off their headscarves and became Catholic or fought against their own people in the French army in order to overcome half-citizenship status, never really became French.
Simple things like the beaches closed to Algerians in Algeria, or 25 Muslims staying in a barrack room whereas five French people staying in similar rooms, or not being able to get a passport! As written on the walls of the barracks, French people needed more oxygen - just like today.
Created by Jean-Marie Le Pen, the National Front exploited the nostalgia of French Algeria, the petty bourgeoisie of the Poujadist movement, and the fears of a population hit by deindustrialization.
It must be admitted that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan played a significant role in achieving the ceasefire by conducting an active diplomacy with both regional and international actors, such as Russia, Germany, Algeria and Tunisia.
In Algeria, Britain, France, and the UAE.
Sudanese and Algerians remember what happened after the so-called Arab spring revolutions; protestors will not settle with anything less than a civilian democratic government, and a Sudan on the right path on human rights and freedom.
In other countries such as Algeria, Morocco, Jordan, Tunisia, and Iraq, the Muslim Brotherhood established political parties that officially served as political actors.
Since the beginning of the Arab Spring in 2010, the civil wars that erupted in Syria, Yemen, and Libya, together with the tensions in Iraq, Lebanon, Algeria, Egypt, Sudan, and Palestine, are all signs of an on-going covert war in the region.
In nearby Algeria protesters deposed the regime of Abdullaziz Bouteflika and demanded an overhaul of the whole regime and governance system.
The UAE-Saudi-led coalition has been suppressing the democratization process of the Arab world – first in Egypt, then in countries like Yemen, Libya, Algeria – and supporting authoritarian regimes to resume after the toppling of half a century old despotic rulers.
While Saudi Arabia’s relations with a number of Arab monarchies have experienced some strain such as Kuwait and Oman as well as outright diplomatic crises in the case of Qatar and Morocco, Jordan is seeking to gain greater autonomy from Riyadh’s geopolitical orbit at a time in which more players in the Arab world are growing more unsettled by vague Saudi reactions towards some regional issues including the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Sudan, Libya, Algeria and Lebanon.
For this reason, it can be argued that the protest movements in Sudan and Algeria have seriously disturbed these counter-revolutionary actors that perceived such developments as direct threats to the regional status quo.