Auffallend war es zudem, dass die Motivation, die sich hinter dem Putschversuch verborgen hat, insbesondere in der westlichen Medienlandschaft nicht objektiv und wahrheitsgetreu thematisiert wurde.
Since the nationalist Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) administration in the early 20th century, the modernist elite in Turkey have tried to create a homogenous and “harmonious” Turkish national identity.
In the last decade, the number of higher education institutions has tripled and the number of students has doubled.
Do you think the mainstream media in Germany is getting more and more obsessed with the current Turkish government? Are they disturbed of the Turkish government or of the religious or conservative values of the Turkish people who brought this political party to power? I would like to answer your question with offering a different perspective.
The history of Turkey and Iran, two of the Middle East’s most powerful nation-states, is characterized by years of rivalry, which remains the case today as Iran seeks to shape the region in consistency with its vision.
Many economists believe that the developed countries have been unable to wriggle themselves out of the effects of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) completely, and that they are in a low growth period, which is likely to last another 5 years or, even, a decade.
Precisely a hundred years ago, on 16 May 1916, the iniquitous Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916) was signed between Britain and France –Sir Mark Sykes and Georges Picot- whose goal was to partition Anatolia and the Arab Middle East among the two should the Ottoman Empire be defeated in the First World War.
Many political scientists and historians consider the First World War as an imperialist war carving up the Ottoman State.
On 16 May, 1916, the famous Sykes-Picot agreement was signed secretly between the United Kingdom and France.
Faruk Yaslıçimen interviewed with the director of the Yunus Emre Institute in Cairo and talked about Egyptian society.
Turkish-Egyptian relations have been in a severe crisis since the military coup in Egypt in 2013.
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hree months ago when the Assad regime surrounded the Turkish observation post in Idlib’s Morek, I argued that Turkey needed a new approach to Idlib in order to prevent a bigger disaster.