When discussing the media’s strong links to democracy in the literature of democracy, it is problematic that large media organizations that have a global network make a choice between two images that represent similar concepts. Although their time, space, causes and social dynamics are different, the July 15 coup attempt in Turkey and the incidents in China’s Tiananmen Square, which occurred in 1989, have a common point. On both occasions, civilians united to resist tanks. The image of a civilian standing before the tanks at Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1989 is used as one of the symbols of the pro-democracy stance in Western media, as the image is definitely a strong symbol for that.

On the other hand, many similar images were captured on the night of the July 15 coup attempt in 2016. Many photos and other kinds of images that showed great instances of heroism were released to the public. However, over the course of the three years since the coup attempt, the global media has not approached these images with similar enthusiasm. I will elaborate on this factor in terms of media-democracy relations, but firstly, I would like to briefly mention the coup attempt in Turkey.

While global media outlets served justice to the civilian who stood against tanks in China’s Tiananmen Square in 1989, it refused to pay attention to the acts of heroism displayed by the Turkish people on the night of the July 15 coup attempt. 

MSNBC did not apologize for its fake news

Three years has passed since the military coup attempt orchestrated by the Fetullah Terror Organization (FETO). The Turkish nation has the justified proud of repelling this attempt under the leadership of President Erdogan. The night of July 15 witnessed an epic, in which civilians resisted heavy weapons with their bare hands – a phenomenon that is not very common in the history of modern nation states. Organized by FETO militants infiltrated in the Turkish military, the coup attempt aimed to overthrow Turkey’s democratically elected president and the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government, which had won the general election by receiving 49 percent of the vote share only 7 months before the coup attempt.

On the night of July 15, the political will, patriotic military officers, police officers and media, acted together in order to repel the coup. They all became heroes of the night. Democracy won that night, whereas the pro-coup mindset suffered a huge blow. The other two defeated groups of that night include the global political actors who kept their silence and hesitated to support democracy against the coup attempt for a long time, and media organs with global networks who did not take a stance against the coup attempt. The Turkish media united and stood up against the atrocity and played a key role in the fight for democracy.

A number of global media outlets, which are supposed to display a similar approach against the coup attempt according to media theory, reported fake news through the U.S.-based MSNBC. While reporting the news, the correspondent said that Erdogan’s plan that was supposed to land in Istanbul was banned and that he was trying to seek refuge in Germany.

Since it is obvious that such a thing never occurred, we would like to remind MSNBC that the Turkish public is still expecting an apology from them. According to professional principles of journalism, they are required to apologize and issue a correction notice by acknowledging that the news was false. From the U.S. to the UK, Germany and France, the Western media tried to legitimize the coup attempt with news reports asserting that the coup was organized against an “authoritarian, dictator, anti-democrat and fundamentalist Erdogan.” They also seemed regretful while discussing how the coup attempt was defeated. FETO leader Fetullah Gulen’s first statement on July 15 was published by the Wall Street Journal on July 17. In the answers he gave to the questions relayed to him via email, Gulen acted as if he was the victim, and released the expression, “this is a plot,” into circulation.

We would like to remind MSNBC that the Turkish public is still expecting an apology for the fake news during the July 15 coup attempt.

Remembering how the Western media approached the coup attempt is important in terms of making sense of today. Although Turkey has so far concrete evidence proving that FETO members organized the coup attempt, Western politicians and media outlets still display the same cynical approach. The exclusivist and obsessive language used in news reports and opinion articles throughout the coup attempt process still frames the current approach to the incident.

Had they approached the event through a lens of universal achievements of democracy, they would have made news about people who stopped tanks with their bare hands, who stood up against bullets, and who suffered severe injuries due to the bombs dropped by fighter jets. Such news stories would set an example to the peoples of the world and make a great contribution to the collective memory of humanity. However, these media outlets chose to ignore these stories.

The power of bare hands against tanks

As stressed above, a comparison based on a single photograph will help us remember the double standards applied by media organizations. There is a striking resemblance between the image from Tiananmen Square, which is imprinted on the memories and images reflected from the July 15 resistance in terms of manifesting the civilian will against tyranny.

Western media outlets still serve the image of the Chinese civilian who stood up against tanks during the Tiananmen incidents in 1989 as an example of resistance. This is exactly how it should be. Those who resisted must be given credit for their heroism.

On the other hand, Western journalists do not seem to remember or simply ignore the heroic resistance of the Turkish people on the night of July 15, 2016, although that night witnessed many similar moments of heroism. This is undoubtedly ignored on purpose. Even though some of the images that portray the resistance in the best way are owned by Reuters, AP and AFP, the general trend of ignorance still continues. This shows the absence of an unbiased attitude that is needed in democracy-media relations.

There is a striking resemblance between the image from Tiananmen Square, which is imprinted on the memories and images reflected from the July 15 resistance in terms of manifesting the civilian will against tyranny.

For instance, the striking photo of Metin Dogan, a citizen who laid in front of a tank to stop it at Ataturk Airport on the night of July 15, did not circulate among the global media as a symbol of civilian resistance defending democracy against coup plotters.

Similarly, the courage displayed by a citizen named Sabri Unal, who tried to stop the tanks in Uskudar, was astounding. Unal stood up against a tank and laid in front of it when it did not stop. When the tank ran him over, Unal miraculously survived and leaped back to his feet again. Then he moved on to stop the second tank advancing him. He lay down once again but the second tank left him injured. The footage showing such stories of heroism were recorded by security cameras that night and are available on the internet. These instances of defending democracy against coups and civilian politics against authoritarianism can barely be found in history.

The two images I mentioned above are only two instances of the resistance that we witnessed on the night of July 15. Every moment of the civilian resistance against F-16 jets, tanks, and other armed vehicles is a testament to the heroism and courage displayed that night. They constitute the most striking examples of fighting for freedom, democracy, and popular will.

Undoubtedly, the global media does not only refuse to see the facts on the subject, but also creates a perspective that rebuts the reality and meaning of that night.

FETO is a genuine threat

Had the Western media outlets approached the subject in the framework of democratic standards instead of accusing Turkey within the three years since the coup attempt, they would have realized the serious threat posed by FETO in their own countries. Surely, it is not too late to realize this. They still have a chance and can present the democracy heroes they have so far ignored to the global public. On the night of July 15, civilians and journalists in Turkey demonstrated the strong ties between media and democracy. The country showed the world that military junta attempts do not have a chance as long as these two structures support each other without hesitation. The solidarity we sought was practiced that night for the first time in Turkey. Acting against the democracy-media theory in such a positive context also indicates that Western media outlets yield to biases and black propaganda.

Three years ago, the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO) initiated a coup attempt in Turkey to overthrow the government and seize power. People poured to the streets to defend Turkish democracy against the coup plotters. 251 people were killed and over 2,000 were injured.

After the failed coup attempt, Turkey faced some serious problems. The first was the issue of cleansing state institutions in the fight against FETO. In accordance with this aim, comprehensive investigations were conducted in every state institution in order to identify people affiliated with FETO. Until today, approximately 120,000 people have been dismissed from state institutions. Nonetheless, after in-depth investigations, some of them managed to return to their jobs. This problem became one of the most difficult and complicated issues in the aftermath of the coup attempt.

Until today, approximately 120,000 people have been dismissed from their positions in state institutions due to their affiliation with FETO, which orchestrated the July 15 failed coup. 

The second critical problem was related to the legal procedure in the post-coup period. Since many high-rank officials in the military were directly involved in the coup attempt, there was a need of holding fair trials in order to punish the coup plotters. 263 out of 289 trials have now been completed. Nevertheless, the whole judicial process will be completed after the applications of higher courts – the Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Due to this reason, it is possible for the whole judicial process to last almost 10 years.

The third problem was related to the fight against FETO in the international arena. While the national struggle against FETO requires mostly short-term strategies, there is a need of long-term strategies on an international level. While FETO had been infiltrating state institutions since the 1970s, it had also been organizing abroad. FETO had approximately 800 schools and over 1,000 foundations in 160 countries. After the coup attempt, Turkey made official applications to end FETO activities in these countries. In total, 22 countries, including Russia, Jordan, and Serbia, closed FETO-affiliated schools and NGOs after responding positively to Turkey’s official application. However, FETO maintains its activities in numerous countries. Thus, Turkey needs a better long-term strategy and back-channel diplomacy to deal with this issue.

In total, 22 countries, including Russia, Jordan, and Serbia, have closed FETO-affiliated schools and NGOs after responding positively to Turkey’s official application.

All these problems illustrate that Turkey has shown success in dealing with FETO after the July 15 coup attempt. Compared to other countries after such experiences, Turkish democracy still functions, and judicial independence has not been deteriorated. Nonetheless, it is also obvious that there is still a lot of work to be done in the fight against FETO. Turkey especially needs a renewed perspective in the fight on an international level. At this stage, it is crucial to find a sophisticated way of explaining how FETO is not only a serious problem for Turkey but is also of critical danger for other countries. Since the international audience is not aware of the FETO issue, it is a necessity to find a new discourse in order to establish this awareness. This responsibility falls on the government, universities, and NGOs.

FETO (Fetullah Terror Organization) is a longtime problem for Turkey, whose impact is most obviously seen in its efforts to take over the Turkish military, police, and judiciary apparatuses, by secretly penetrating into them. As a result of this, the organization was able to plot a coup attempt – the bloodiest in Turkey’s history. Fortunately, Turkey did not fall victim to the coup attempt and in the aftermath, the organization faced stiff security measures by Turkish authorities. Nevertheless, members of the organization that fled from Turkey have joined members living across the rest of the world. In this new era, the organization is trying to find new ways of surviving outside Turkey.

I was in Kosovo the week after 6 FETO members were captured by Kosovan security staff and given to the Turkish authorities in the country. The event occurred in late March last year. As I was in the country, I had the opportunity to talk to people living there, mostly locals. What I heard was that FETO members were panicked in Kosovo and were trying to escape somewhere where they could hide from Turkish authorities, sometimes with fake identity documents. As I asked around as to where they could seek shelter, all answers directed me to Albania.

I was in Kosovo the week after 6 FETO members were captured by Kosovan security staff and given to the Turkish authorities in the country. I had the opportunity to talk to people living there, mostly locals. What I heard was that FETO members were panicked in Kosovo.

Albania is a country where the organization has deep reaching roots. I heard that many FETO members were moving to Albania, which they see as a safe haven. Given that the organization has a long history in Albania and an institutional network in their hands, this is not unexpected. Almost one year after having such an experience in Kosovo, this time I visited Albania, where I had the opportunity to converse with academics and journalists.

Albania is well-known for its longstanding relationship with Turkey, dating back to the Ottoman era. The country is famous for being the homeland of countless Ottoman pashas including sadrazams (grand vizier). For this reason, many people both in Turkey and Albania joke that it weren’t the Ottomans that ruled Albania but that the Albanians ruled the Ottoman Empire. Mehmet Akif Ersoy (1873-1936), the author of the Turkish National Anthem, also had Albanian roots. And even today, there are millions of Turkish citizens from Albanian origin living in Turkey. Hence, the country has always caught some level of attention from Turks, and vice versa.

Despite all this mutual attention and interest between the two countries, it was sad for me to observe that Albania’s perception of Turkey has long been mediated by FETO. The terrorist organization reached out to the country right after the collapse of the communist regime. Given that Albania was the most closed communist regime during the Cold War under the rule of Enver Hodja, the country’s meeting with FETO in such a critical juncture (right after its opening), made a significant impact on its future.

Fetullah Gulen terrorist organization still markets itself to the Albanian people as a legitimate Turkish schooling network and exploits the pro-Turkish feelings of unaware Albanian parents, who send their children to these FETO schools

Under the guise of education, the organization built a schooling system in the country way earlier and better compared to the rest of its global operation network. Besides Epoka University and Bedir University, the organization also runs many other schools in the country, ranging from universities to lower degree programs. The tragicomic part of this is that many of these schools use trademark-like names for Turkey. For instance, they are named after significant people such as Zubeyde Hanim (mother of the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk), Mehmet Akif Ersoy, and Turgut Ozal (famous Turkish PM and President, respectively from 1983 to 1989, and from 1989 to his death in 1993). Hence, FETO still markets itself to the Albanian people as a legitimate Turkish schooling network and exploits the pro-Turkish feelings of unaware Albanian parents, who send their children to these FETO schools.

The terrorist organization is also well rooted in the sectors of religious service and health in Albania. However, the most worrying one for me is the schools under their control. The organization is trying to cultivate a whole new generation in Albania under the false pretense of a Turkish schooling network.

Turkey is now providing direct and vivid channels of communication without the FETO interception, and is opening schools in Albania with the Maarif Foundation. Ankara is also pushing hard for the Albanian government to take steps on the situation of these schools and for the extradition of specific FETO members, yet unlike many other countries, the Albanian authorities are yet to respond to these demands. As it stands, Albania seems to be the country where FETO centers its activities in the Balkans. The status of FETO in Albania will be a determinant of future relations with Turkey, which carries a risk of being poisoned by FETO’s operations, and it will also be a determinant for the survival of FETO in the Balkans, where it has nowhere else to go due to the cooperative efforts of other Balkan countries with Turkey.

The recent change in Ankara’s strategy towards certain terrorist organizations has been a game changer. Since 2016, Turkey has been rapidly eliminating FETO and Daesh threats. However, the policy shift and the effectiveness of the fight given against the PKK threat has been incredible so far.

The numbers regarding the counter-terrorism performance shared by Turkey’s Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu last week demonstrated how Turkey’s counter-terrorism strategy has been functional in the fight against the PKK, particularly following the attempted military coup. Since the July 15 failed military coup attempt, Turkey has been revolutionizing its counter-terrorism strategy, especially in containing the PKK threat not only in Turkey but also in Syria and Iraq.

Ankara has made a drastic adjustment in its strategy towards the PKK. Before July 15, the PKK had found great opportunity to consolidate its military and political capacity to transform itself from a terrorist organization to an acceptable armed and political actor in Syria and Iraq. While the PKK has been enjoying the strategic advantages of the “reconciliation process” by reformulating its long-term strategy in Turkey, it has been repossessing its entire political and military organization and geopolitical agenda with the increasing international status notably gained following Daesh’s offense in Kobane (also known as Ayn al-Arab) in Syria and Iraq. The first attempt to achieve a territorial autonomy (known as democratic autonomy) in Turkey has failed due to Turkey’s active counter-terrorism strategy and has been territorially contained by Turkey’s military offensive in Syria and Iraq later on.

The success of Turkey’s counter-terrorism strategy was shaped by three revolutionary steps; the paradigm shifts in counter-terrorism strategy, security sector reform following the failed military coup, and the changing military strategy in tactical and operational level on the ground against the PKK. Besides these steps, one of the most important driving factors behind this success is the political decisiveness in sustaining a counter-terrorism campaign against the PKK. Undoubtedly, President Erdogan’s leadership role has been playing a vital role in consolidating the political determination of Turkey.

The success of Turkey’s counter-terrorism strategy was shaped by three revolutionary steps; the paradigm shifts in counter-terrorism strategy, security sector reform following the failed military coup, and the changing military strategy in tactical and operational level on the ground against the PKK.

Firstly, Turkey’s new counter-terrorism strategy integrates and synchronizes political, security, economic, and the technological components that reinforce the state as the ultimate legitimate authority over the population while reducing PKK influence over the Kurdish population, particularly. This was primarily the case following the collapse of the peace process in 2015. The counter-terrorism strategy was designed to simultaneously protect the population from PKK violence in city centers and strengthened the capacity of the state institutions to marginalize the PKK’s perception in the eyes of the local people. Especially the process of de-PKKization of the municipalities was one of the most important strategic decisions taken by the government to undermine the PKK’s mobilization activities, particularly in the economic, political and military domains.     

The changing understanding regarding the reformulation of the military operation modality is another revolutionary step in containing the PKK threat. Until recently, Turkey’s counter-terrorism strategy had been based on one-dimensional strategic calculation aimed to prevent the terrorist attacks conducted by the PKK against the military and security units, especially in the South-eastern part of Turkey where the PKK’s main terrorist campaign takes place. This one-dimensional counter-terrorism strategy is based on the action-reaction operational model in which security forces usually carry a reactionary military operation following the terrorist attack against any target in a specific geographical zone.

The new counter-terrorism strategy, however, is based on non-stop anti-terrorist security and military operations not only in city centers where the PKK-affiliated persons might live but also in rural areas. More importantly, the preemptive operational model that aims to neutralize the PKK threat in its base has become the central operational mentality for Turkey’s counter-terrorism strategy.

Turkey’s new counter-terrorism strategy is based on non-stop anti-terrorist security and military operations not only in city centers where PKK-affiliated persons might live but also in rural areas. 

According to figures shared by Minister Soylu, Turkish Security Forces carried out 87,838 operations against the PKK in 2018. As a result of the anti-terrorism operations in 2018, Turkish security forces have neutralized 1,289 terrorists. The percentage of the operations carried by Turkish security forces is also remarkable compared to previous years. Turkish security forces have increased counter-terrorism operations in rural areas by 173 percent over the last two years.

Turkey’s superiority in terms of surveillance technology and advanced intelligence capacity also facilitated the effectiveness of its counter-terrorism strategy and helped to prevent potential PKK attacks. Thanks to the strong intelligence network among the state security institutions and efficiency of the intelligence information shared in the operational domain, 100 senior terrorists were neutralized in 2018, including those who were listed under the red, blue, and grey categories of the most wanted terrorist list. In 2017, for instance, the PKK planned 965 armed attacks. However, this figure dropped to 677 in 2018 demonstrating the impact of Turkey’s effectiveness in military intelligence. More importantly, while the PKK conducted 250 improvised explosive device (IED) attacks in 2017, the number of IED attacks in rural areas decreased to 148 in 2018.

According to figures shared by Minister Soylu, Turkish Security Forces carried out 87,838 operations against the PKK in 2018. As a result of the anti-terrorism operations in 2018, Turkish security forces have neutralized 1,289 terrorists.

Recruitment is also vital to the PKK’s survival to sustain its terrorist campaign and propaganda. However, the numbers show that the PKK has not been effective in recruiting new fighters because of the counter-narrative program of Turkey. This is the new face of the Turkish counter-terrorism strategy in containing PKK influence over the Kurdish population. Turkey’s effective control of public space and improved population-centric counter-terrorism understanding, the PKK lost its efficiency in delivering its propaganda. The number of terrorists recruited to compensate for others killed during the counter-terrorism operations is in decline. Participation in PKK events has reached its lowest level in the last 30 years. In 2016, while the total number of terrorist recruitment was 3,881, only 95 joined to the ranks of PKK in 2018.

The security sector reform process adopted following the July 15 failed military coup attempt is another driving factor that positively shaped Turkey’s counter-terrorism strategy. While the relocation of the Gendarmerie under the Ministry of the Interior was an act strengthening the effectiveness of the internal counter-terrorism operations, the Turkish Armed Forces found a great opportunity to focus on extra-territorial counter-terrorism operations against the PKK, particularly in Iraq, which operationally prevented the terrorist organization to find extra space for maneuver to infiltrate into Turkey.

More importantly, the institutional reformulation of the Village Guards (VG) in counter-terrorism operations facilitated the effectiveness of internal operations in rural areas. The numbers show the increasing effectiveness of the Village Guards in fighting against the PKK. While the number of Village Guards reached 52,395 (plus 19912 volunteers) in 2018, the average age among the village guards decreased to 32. This is not limited to the increasing number of the VG; their technological capacity and training programs were also reformulated and improved following the new requirements of the PKK’s threat.

The harmonization of the technological capacities of different state/security institutions is also a critical infrastructure investment that Turkey has been doing since 2015. The reformulation of intelligence sharing, improvement of joint operation room and joint operational information mechanism facilitated the joint counter-terrorism operations. The number of professionals in Gendarmerie is 65 %, which is incredibly high as compared to previous years. To detect and end terrorist mobilization, especially in special counter-terrorism operations, drone technology provided Turkey another great opportunity in containing the PKK threat. Except for the TAF’s drone capacity, the drone capacity of the Ministry of Interior has increased 50 percent over the last two years. This is especially vital in creating a joint security umbrella to sustain active intelligence and rapid reaction against the PKK.

Turkey is revolutionizing its counter-terrorism strategy not only against the PKK in Turkey but also against other terrorist organizations in Syria and Iraq. The new face of terrorism and changing dynamics in the Middle East are likely to push Turkey to revolutionize its military engagements in the near future.  

According to a recent NBC News report, the White House is looking for ways to extradite Fetullah Gulen, the leader of FETO, which plotted the failed coup attempt on 15 July 2016 in Turkey, which left 250 victims dead and more than 2,000 injured. According to the report, the “Trump administration officials asked federal law enforcement agencies to examine legal ways of removing” Gulen. The Justice Department, FBI, Homeland Security Department and naturally the White House, are all reported to be involved in the process. Now you might be thinking that this was denied by the U.S. administration, as on Friday, the Justice Dept denied any potential extradition. This in itself was unusual, as it’s not typical for the Justice Department to comment on matters pertaining to potential cases of extradition. However, the fact that something like this has been on the agenda this week was quite serious.

The initial report by NBC News suggests that the extradition of Gulen could take place in order to ease Turkey’s pressure on Saudi Arabia in regards to the Jamal Khashoggi murder, which brought Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman to the forefront as a brutal murderer. As expressed in the report, this is an option, but could also be false. Hence, the focus here isn’t on the language of the report, which describes Gulen as an “Erdogan foe,” and an “exiled cleric,” nor is it the link with the Khashoggi case. Rather, Gulen’s extradition is far more important than any of these. With various sources claiming different stories, if the Trump administration has actually considered the extradition of Fetullah Gulen, this would be a game changing move.

With various sources claiming different stories, if the Trump administration has actually considered the extradition of Fetullah Gulen, this would be a game changing move.

For over two years, the U.S. has underestimated the significance of Gulen for Turkey. It’s as if the U.S. administration doesn’t care about hosting the individual responsible for Turkey’s bloodiest coup ever. What annoyed the Turkish public and the politicians as well is the perception that the U.S. was behind the coup attempt. There seemed to be no other explanation for why a capable state like the U.S. would host such a most-wanted terrorist despite its ally’s persistent requests. If the extradition process was to take place, the Turkish perception of the U.S. would take a new turn.

As for my own part, with all these different stories in the media, I’m still having trouble in understanding why the U.S. would want to extradite Gulen after all the damage done to its relations with Turkey. Once he returns to Turkey, Gulen will eventually inform the Turkish authorities on his foreign connections. After all, the reasons for the inquiries over him before the coup attempt were more about the spying activities of his organization in Turkey. It is impossible for an organization like FETO to maintain its network in such an effective manner without support from outside. If the U.S. were really to extradite him, this would show that the administration is not afraid of what Gulen would spill during his questioning by Turkish authorities. This will give back the U.S. the credibility it lost within the Turkish public opinion and decision makers.

The U.S. administration has underestimated the significance of Gulen for Turkey. It’s as if the administration doesn’t care about hosting the individual responsible for Turkey’s bloodiest coup ever.

Nevertheless, there must be a reason why the potential extradition of Gulen was high on the agenda this week – 2 years after the failed coup attempt. It’s hard to figure out why the U.S. has insisted to protect Gulen for so long, and then suddenly various rumors emerge about the administration wanting to extradite him. When taking this development into consideration with the recent bounties on the PKK’s top three leaders, one does ask whether the U.S. is reformulating its policy with Turkey.

While the debate on Gulen’s extradition and the U.S. listing three PKK terrorists on the Rewards for Justice Program will remain live, we’ll have to wait and see if any concrete results come out of these steps.

As the U.S. pushed Turkey away with the hope that coercion will make Turkey realign its foreign policies in harmony with U.S. interests, Turkey has searched and found new channels of cooperation in the international arena. Such cooperation channels with the European countries, Russia, Iran, and Qatar showed that the coercion is not pulling Turkey to the U.S. orbit but pushing it further away. Hence, if the U.S. does take any positive move in helping Turkey fight FETO, this could be interpreted as a way of compensating the damage caused to bilateral relations between Ankara and Washington.

While the debate on Gulen’s extradition and the U.S. listing three PKK terrorists on the Rewards for Justice Program will remain live, we’ll have to wait and see if any concrete results come out of these steps. If they do produce sincere results, this will reflect itself as an unrepresented boost in relations between Turkey and the U.S.

Minister of Justice, Abdulhamit Gül announced on Friday that Turkey had requested the extradition of 419 FETO (Fetullah Terrorist Organization) affiliated fugitives, members of the pseudo-religious cult which plotted the coup attempt of July 15, from various countries.

In an interview with Anadolu Agency, the minister noted that: “The extradition of 419 FETO leaders and members have been requested from foreign countries to date”. Adding that “red notice requests” had been issued for affiliates of the group who couldn’t be tracked down, Gul noted that there were FETO affiliates whose whereabouts were still unclear. Underscoring that the requests for extradition were issued after thorough investigation into the terroristic cult by the Turkish courts, Gul noted that these requests were conveyed via the Ministry of Justice to the respective countries that the fugitives escaped to or sought political protection in.

The threat that FETO poses is still underestimated by many countries. With a global network operating in over 160 countries, a net worth of 50 billion USD as of 2008, selflessly obedient followers who can give up anything and commit the most horrendous crimes on the command of their leader Fetullah Gulen, and a gruesome track record of devising a deadly coup across Turkey, martyring over 250 civilians and injuring over 2200 individuals in July 15, 2016. Turkey charges the organization with plotting to overthrow the state through an insidious decades-long infiltration into many state apparatuses spanning the military, judiciary as well as many strategic governmental organizations.

Minister Gul underlined that Turkey had reiterated its request for the extradition of the head of the cult, Fetullah Gulen, 7 times to the United States. Highlighting that the extradition requests were in line with the law of extradition and ample evidence and relevant documentation was submitted to the authorities, the Minister added that fresh evidence was shared with renewed requests.

The discrepancy between the judicial systems of the two countries is called to question as Turkey recently released Pastor Brunson after he went through a fair trial, whereas a leader that asks its followers to execute civilians -let alone being put to trial- is living merrily under state protection of the United States. Hopeful of the availing of justice, Justice Minister Abdulhamit concluded: “Our extradition requests are still held in the U.S. Department of Justice. At this point, our expectation is the initiation of a judicial process for extradition as soon as possible”

We have been living in a unipolar world since the end of the Cold War. The U.S. has been the sole major power. However, the structure of the international system has been evolving away from unipolarity due to the disproportional growth rates among states. Accordingly, there are states that speedily head to gain the status of major power. China in particular has increased its military and economic capacity in a short span of time, which is expected to reach the level of development that facilitates it to challenge the primacy of the U.S. So, a bipolar world is rising.

Besides, recently, new regional powers have emerged. Brazil, South Africa, and Turkey, are among those powers. The rise of regional powers, though it does not complicate things much at the global level, puts pressure on the U.S., which, as the only major power, engages in the politics of regions such as the Middle East as an off-shore balancer. Losing the control of a region may undoubtedly have political repercussions on the international level. That may give way to penetration of another extra-regional power or worse lead to the emergence of a regional hegemon, which may happen to rise as a global power in the long run.

Russia’s enhancement of its influence and Turkey’s tendency to act autonomously in the Middle East can be cited in this context. The relative decline of U.S. power in the Middle East has prompted Russia to fill the power vacuum and has urged Turkey to start the process of uplifting its status from a balancer to a hegemon in the region.

Current U.S. foreign policy faces the problem of accommodating China and regional powers like Turkey. So far under the Trump presidency, the U.S. has countered this problem by developing a unilateralist and isolationist foreign policy. This foreign policy basically seeks to contain and overturn the power shift that is now taking place. The Trump administration has taken policies that range from trade war to military tour de force for that purpose. This has been accompanied by the securitization of China and regional power like Turkey in the media.

Nevertheless, especially owing to the domestic political necessities like the upcoming elections for the Senate, the Trump administration has started to take contrary decisions towards these countries. The release of Pastor Andrew Brunson last week, who had been in prison for about two years in Turkey on accusations of aiding the PKK, was reciprocated by signaling to lift some of the economic sanctions that had been imposed on Turkey earlier this year.

Here we should note that Trump seems to plan to use the release of Brunson in his election campaign in order to mobilize the Evangelical and conservative voters to go to the polls and vote for the Republicans for the Senate. Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, has recently expressed that some sanctions could be lifted. This marks that the period of tension, which was grown by mutual retaliatory political moves, seems to enter into a period of relative normalcy.

However, this should not increase the hopes for bilateral relations. As noted above, relations between Turkey and the U.S. will not be normalized unless the U.S. agrees to accommodate Turkey by admitting its new international status, which is an autonomous regional power. Indeed, in the past, relations between the two countries have witnessed several low points, including the Cyprus crisis in the 1970s. Yet, the reason behind these kinds of tensions was not structural. Turkey was merely expecting for its sovereign rights to be expected. It did not seek to change its status and position in international politics.

Today, Turkey seeks to adjust the international order according to recent changes in its domestic politics and the distribution of power in the region. Turkey does not want to keep playing its traditional role of the “outsider” balancer in its vicinity by following the U.S. leadership and national interests. Instead, it desires to establish itself as an autonomous powerhouse in the region. The U.S. has so far responded to Turkey’s new foreign policy attitude by supporting the terrorist organizations such as the PKK and FETO (led by U.S.-based criminal cult leader Fetullah Gulen), which strives to curb the country’s potentials and capabilities.

In response to this attitude, Turkey has continuously given the message that it will not take a step back. For instance, last week President Erdogan signaled a new wave of military operations in the south of the country and stated that Turkey was adamant to cleanse the east of the Euphrates River from all terrorist (PKK) elements. This, no doubt, will be a new test on how “healthy” the relations between Turkey and the U.S. are.

Since the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016, the AK Party government has been trying to emphasize the fact that the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO) is not only a threat to the national security of Turkey, but is also a threat to other countries that it operates in.

Although the group, led by U.S.-based criminal cult leader Fetullah Gulen, tries to present itself as a “civil society” in countries that it operates, by ensuring its activities are conducted through businesses and -mainly- through the education system of countries in concern, after its attempt to topple the democratically elected government in Turkey on July 15, the group has been accepted by an official terrorist organization not only by the state but also by the Turkish public – regardless of ideological or religious affiliation.

In it’s attempt to ensure that justice is served, Turkey’s most recent calls to extradite FETO members has been in Germany and in Cambodia. With President Erdogan’s official visit to Germany last week, the President called for the German government to realize that this group, which is very active in Germany, will eventually become a threat that the German authorities will have to deal with nationally.

However, more recently, during a joint press conference with Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, Turkish FM Mevlut Cavusoglu stated, “We have repeated our extradition request on the issue of high profile FETO members in Cambodia.”

“This terror group is a threat not only for Turkey, but every country it operates in.”

Sokhonn mentioned that Cambodia is “in close cooperation with Turkey” in regards to the fight against FETO.

“As a friend of Turkey, Cambodia will continue to support Turkey in its operations against FETO,” the FM said.

In his address to the United Nations on Tuesday, September 25, President Erdogan called on world leaders to take measures against the Gulenist criminal cult network. Two days later, this time during his trip to Germany, the Turkish President repeated his call and asked Germany to designate the Gulenist organization as a terrorist organization. Despite Turkey’s call for over two years now, the Gulenist cult members are still active in Western countries, from the United States to Germany and many others.

The organization operates in the disguise of charter schools in the U.S., think-tanks all over the Western world, and some online media networks such as news portals, and so on. While the Turkish public opinion is united against FETO, not everybody is well informed on the organization, and this is why they have difficulty in understanding Turkey’s insistence on this matter.

The very first question towards Turkish demands on the Gulenist network is on the terrorism charges. Many academics and journalists with some interest on this matter in the West question the terrorism charges. These questions are now being repeated after Erdogan’s recent remarks in the U.S. and Germany. They simply ask how an organization led by a “cleric” and which runs charter schools can engage in terrorism. Despite the amount of evidence delivered by the Turkish authorities, this evidence does not reach the ears that need to hear them.

Here is a brief story of the Gulenist network’s gradual and complex journey into terrorism:

It was quite uncommon to call the Gulenist organization – also known as FETO – a terrorist organization a few years ago. After all, terrorism is a form of political violence, and the group was not violent – until they became violent. With its school system to recruit and train young minds, the organization’s structure worked quite effectively in Turkey and abroad.

Gradually, the picture became clear as the recruits began to infiltrate state institutions – first in small numbers, then in masses. It became increasingly clear to the Turkish decision makers that the organization was stealing classified information, sometimes distorting it, and servicing it to foreign services or the media depending on the purpose.

By the end of 2013, there was no doubt about the fact that the members of the Gulenist criminal cult in various state institutions were well connected to each other and were well guided by a central authority in a clear command chain. This is essentially why they were called the “parallel state” by Erdogan – who was the organization’s primary target.

While it took the AK Party government some time to clarify the real purpose and structure of the Gulenists, once they did, there was no way back other than stopping them. As the government began to clean the Gulenists from state institutions, and as it became clear that the elected government will win this battle, Turkey witnessed the July 15 coup attempt in 2016.

The Gulenists in the military carried out a coup attempt, sent a squad to assassinate Erdogan, and killed 248 civilians and state security personnel in multiple spots. And this was the day that the Gulenists were no longer just a secret society infiltrating the state apparatus and being used by foreign services. The July 15 coup attempt also showed that the organization was capable of using violence on a massive scale.

We do not tend to call coup plotters as terrorists, neither in Turkey’s earlier coups nor on the global scale. However, this time, it is different. It was not the military that orchestrated the coup attempt but an organization whose leader is not a soldier and whose members were mostly civilians. This is how we saw a Gulenist ex-cop in military camouflage in a tank in Istanbul on that night. This is how we saw civilian engineers taking part in the coup attempt. This is how we saw civilian professors in the Akinci military base, the headquarters of the coup attempt on that night.

Gulenist academics and journalists also spent quite an effort to spread fake news that night about a manufactured story claiming that Erdogan was fleeing the country and so on. July 15 showed the entire Gulenist criminal network in its entirety on the mission. It was not a conventional coup attempt of soldiers unlike the coups that we know, but it was a joint coup attempt of Gulenist professors, police officers, engineers, and also soldiers. If terror is the use of violence by non-state actors targeting civilians in order to achieve their political objectives, Gulenists did this on the night of July 15 and, hence, they are a textbook example of terrorist organizations – a very innovative one.

Judaism has a holy day named Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), which is spent with ceremonies of redemption for the sins of the Israelites. During the early periods of Judaism, high priest Aaron would perform religious ceremonies for the atonement of the community and made people pray on this holy day. Then, he drew lots from a lottery box over two goats. One was selected to sacrifice for the sins of the people, while he leaned his hands on the second goat and confessed the sins of the entire people of Israel, thus making it the scapegoat. After that, the scapegoat was taken out of the sanctuary and cast into the desert. According to the Jewish faith, the sins were cleansed as the scapegoat lurked out of sight.

Today, the word scapegoat is used in almost every language, including Turkish, to define one that bears the blame for others. In that sense, the U.S. President Donald Trump has become a global scapegoat. Since his inauguration, his discharge is constantly on the agenda in U.S. domestic politics, while the international community is fed up with him. The most criticized thing about him is his “crude and obnoxious” tone. But as a matter of fact, he perfectly represents U.S. policies, especially U.S. foreign policy, with this very tone. That is why many international audience supported Trump against Hillary Clinton during the presidential race. It was obvious that Clinton would sugarcoat U.S. foreign policy’s atrocious practices and their consequences much better than Trump since Trump accentuates the vulgar side of U.S. policies.

To illustrate, let me remind the reader of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, which led to a series of conflicts in the region. The U.S. Senator from Arizona, John McCain, who recently passed away and was eulogized by the U.S. press and even by his rivals, was noted as one of the leading hawkish names paving the way for the invasion of Iraq. Shortly before his death, McCain wrote in his memoir that the invasion “can’t be judged as anything other than a mistake, a very serious one, and I have to accept my share of the blame for it.” But no matter whether he regretted it, more than 600.000 Iraqi civilians were killed in Iraq over the past decade while the U.S. troops suffered 4.500 losses. Plus, millions of Iraqis were displaced and lost their homes.

A former deputy from the Republican People’s Party (CHP) likened the Gulenist Terror Group (FETO) to a barnacle, saying that a barnacle cannot survive unless it feeds on a whale’s skin and how FETO flourished in Turkey. So, it can be said that Israel is a barnacle living on the U.S. ever since it was founded. The U.S. is also content with supporting the country’s tyranny. Innumerable examples portraying this relation can be given but let me remind you of the latest one. The law that recognizes Jerusalem as Israel’s capital city passed in 1995 in the U.S. Congress. Although all U.S. presidents in office as of that date kept the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv by using their authority in foreign politics, this law has been in force since then. Trump only exercised it, making the U.S.’ Israel policy even more obvious, and urged moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem.

Another example can be given from Turkey. FETO of course did not appear during Trump’s term in office, as the terror group has been revealed to have almost 40 years of past. When FETO attempted to stage a military coup in Turkey on July 15, 2016, Barack Obama was in the White House. Both Obama and his successor Trump issued statements siding with Turkey on the subject, but this cannot change what happened. FETO leader Fetullah Gulen, who moved to Pennsylvania in 1999, with the help of former CIA vice-chair Graham Fuller, is still living there without facing any restriction since then.

European leaders, especially German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron, criticize Trump for being compliant with authoritarian regimes and having problems with Washington’s allies. But endless examples can be listed showing that France, Germany, and the U.S. have not only complied with authoritarian regimes and even dictatorships, but have also laid the groundworks for these regimes in most cases. The second new situation for Germany and France is Washington’s relations with its allies since Trump’s inauguration. But Trump does not represent the entire U.S. on this matter. As the German Foreign Minister put it, the U.S. is bigger than the White House and Trump cannot change that no matter how much he tweets.

Nevertheless, the rest of the world can hardly contend that Trump is not suitable for the U.S. Presidency.

A report has been published by SETA on the confessions of FETO (Fetullah Gulen Terrorist Organization) members and affiliates regarding their infiltration strategies into the Turkish government. The report notes that the interval between 1962 and 1980 was the incubation period of FETO where it recruited new members, started institutionalizing and took its first steps towards permeating into government apparatuses. Between 1980 and 1999 FETO continued spreading via a façade of “moderate Islam” which it dedicatedly kept up. During the late 1990s, FETO started using educational institutions to increase its global outreach. Between 1999 and 2012, FETO is known to have persevered FETO’s unbeknownst tutelage hold on the government. Seeing themselves above and beyond all moral codes of ethics and religious values, FETO has justified all means of threats, blackmail, extortion, and plots to meet their ends.

Strategic priorities of FETO in permeating state institutions

The first and foremost goal of FETO “was to accumulate as many affiliates as possible into strategic institutions and use their network to promote these individuals as higher up as possible in the organizational ranks” the report highlights. Confessions reveal that FETO especially prioritized staunchly permeating strategic departments such as HR, IT, private secretary office, intelligence, accounting and training.  FETO is known to have seized hold of training centers that train future candidates to these strategic institutions such as the TSK (Turkish Armed Forces – TAF) and the Police force.

In a television program aired in 1999, Fetullah Gulen manifests his underlying motive: “We must ceaselessly get prepared. When we find the opportune vacancy, we will start the marathon. We must be cautious. If we act rash, they will eradicate us. By taking this into account, we must be taking our steps cautiously.” The report recounts that FETO’s ceaseless efforts paid off significantly in the 1990s when the terror group had finally managed to permeate into all levels of all the government institutions. Since 2012 its primary aim has been the overthrowing of the government.

FETO has always prioritized strategic institutions in its infiltration strategy, and has stolen various entrance examination questions via these institutions, tapped into the phones of key individuals, and manipulated trials by forging documents and generating fake evidence.

Lifelong indoctrination

By exploiting economically poor and clever children at a young age, distancing from their families for long intervals and effectively adopting them “as his children” FETO literally subjected the children to emotional manipulation through various means such as melodramatic shows of poignant lectures distributed via video cassettes to “light houses”, the place of residence where these children continued being indoctrinated the report highlights. After discovering the power of media, FETO started publishing Sızıntı magazine, a double entendre that literally and ironically means “infiltration.”

Giving FETO members a head start in recruitments

The report notes how FETO polished affiliate candidates and gave them a head start in the competition for specific positions via exclusive opportunities such as scholarships, masters programs and paid international experience. The report further highlights how FETO tried to enervate and drive out non-affiliate members from the institutions by mobbing, running slander campaigns, collective pressurizing and by forcing them to resign to gain an overall control of the institution. The report notes that whilst only 400 FETO affiliates were ousted from TSK over decades, over 1500 individuals were thrown out on “irtica charges” (in reference to individuals who were found to be prominently religious in a setting which tends to be overtly secular).

Structure of the Provincial FETO-PDY Armed Terror Organization

Stealing entrance examination questions

There is a striking similarity in the way the entrance examination questions were serviced in advance to FETO-affiliate candidates in all the institutions according to the accounts of FETO affiliates highlighted in the report. Several examples showcased in the report cited candidate confessions during interrogations who said that they “were given the questions via an abi (elder brother in reference to their immediate mentor”) with a code name and given 15 minutes to memorize all the questions and answers and were cautioned not to exhibit surprised facial expressions when seeing the same questions in the actual exams, to wait until the end of the allotted exam time, never to say that the “exam went well” following the examination, and not to talk about their encounter with anyone and never to re-contact them again.”

Fraudulent recruitment processes

In the confessions of some FETO affiliates who had a strong hand in the police force they described how the drawing of lots for the determination of the district of operation of fellow policemen were fraudulent with two divisions inconspicuously placed in the bags from which the draws were being made to ensure that the locations for FETO affiliate policemen were always drawn from the section that had the strategic locations. Similarly, in the selection process of candidates for the General Directorate of Kars Police Force, one FETO affiliate confesses how a FETO affiliate vice chancellor of the Police Academy present during candidate interviews raised a red pen if the candidate was to be subjected to psychological pressure and difficult questions by the jury and a green pen for easy questions directed to FETO affiliates to smooth the interview process and eliminate non-FETO affiliates from the pool of contenders.

License to sin and transfer of bad deeds to Fetullah Gulen

Tabip Albay confesses the following: “Şemsettin took me to the dormitories where Fetullah Gulen was residing. Gulen said: “You have undertaken a noble mission, do not make yourself evident and implement your tasks diligently. To hide yourself, you can drink alcohol, it won’t be haram. If your wife is covered you can uncover her hair, it won’t be haram. Even if it is, I will take the responsibility of the deed. Since this cause is great, it won’t be haram. Earn new members and stand out in your work. If you reach the necessary positions, our cause will be achieved.”

The report also notes an imam in military high schools who confessed that Gulen advised that after a rigorous religious education, to keep their identity confidential that they should act like “Italian artists in the morning.” A similar account in the report notes members of the judicial system who were advised “to refrain from fasting or to walk around with a water bottle in Ramadan, to refrain from going to Friday prayers, drink in public if necessary to hide their identities.”

Technological permeation, hacking, stealing examination questions and forging documents

At OSYM it was realized that from the tea servers to the technicians of the institutions, FETO had seized all ranks of the hierarchy. The report notes that “their university entrance examination prep centers always had similar questions to the official exam since they were funneling questions right from the source.” To facilitate mass staffing they ensured that questions from their prep centers were also included in the official exam.

When there was an extraordinary success rate at the proficiency exam for academicians, ALES, it was realized that FETO had been stealing the questions for this exam as well. “It was realized that the computers storing the questions were exploited and the security surrounding these computers were breached both physically and through cyber-attacks and that FETO affiliates had established virtual servers in computers.” Via these virtual servers, it was deduced that FETO was able to access many questions.

The report also notes that FETO infiltrated the information technology infrastructure of Turkey, utilizing many means to forge evidence, wiretap key officials and access confidential government archives. In TUBITAK many meritless FETO affiliates gained a stronghold and wiretapped non-affiliates to push them out of the cadre. It was realized that the code of the encrypted phones used by government officials were obtained by FETO affiliates and used to slight the phones and wiretap them. The report also notes that FETO affiliates manipulated the interrogation of the kozmik oda (cosmic chamber), military espionage cases, Balyoz and Ergenekon cases since they were in charge of assessing evidence for these cases.

This report aims to be of use to individuals responsible for combating FETO infiltration to provide insight into the strategies they employed throughout their decades long insidious permeation into key government institutions. It is of essence that their true colors be manifested continuously to gain public support in the fight against this sinister organization, enlighten and raise overall awareness on an organization that has cost significantly to the Turkish people and continues to pose a threat to the international community in its various strongholds and areas of influence which are still in the process of being divulged due to their systematic, deeply ingrained and covert natures.

*Written by Rukiye Kaya. 

Between 1831 and 1967, Greece experienced 12 military coups and 8 coup attempts. Following the military coup staged by a group of colonels in 1967, throughout the junta regime that reigned for seven years, political parties were closed, intellectuals, journalists, and writers were jailed and tortured, and many unidentified murders were committed. Following the Turkish operation in Cyprus on July 20, 1974, and the loss of U.S. support, the junta regime declined dramatically and civilians eventually took over on July 23.

After democracy was introduced in Greece in 1974, the colonels who plotted the 1967 coup were tried and all received life sentences. Despite this, the country still underwent a coup attempt that was prevented in 1975. When the leader of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), Andreas Papandreou – who was also sentenced to nine years during the 1967 junta – came to power with a landslide victory in 1981, the first thing he done was establish a new system against the threat of military coups. He performed a sweeping purge in the Greek army since the military was still harboring a group with pro-coup mindsets. Papandreou also marked radical changes in the legislation of the military. Among these changes, all military officers, including private soldiers, were authorized to inform political authorities when they see any sign indicating the intention of a coup attempt. Officers that failed to inform authorities, even when they were to receive a suspicious order, were tried and received life sentences on the charges of staging or attempting a military coup. Papandreou was right. 30 years later, in November 2011, some 16 generals were discharged from the military on the grounds that the armed forces were plotting a coup.

During the time that the socialist leader’s political and legal battle against military coup attempts was ongoing, Turkey was being ruled by a junta regime that was declared after the military coup on September 12, 1980. Moments before the coup, the U.S. Embassy in Ankara told the CIA’s former Turkey chief Paul Henze, “Our boys did it!” During the rule of their “boys,” 650,000 people were detained in Turkey, 1,683.000 were blacklisted based on illegal recordings, 230,000 were tried in a total of 210,000 cases. More, capital punishment was demanded for 7000 people, 517 were sentenced to capital punishment and 50,000 people were executed. 98,804 were tried for being a member of an illegal group, 30,000 were discharged from duty, 14,000 were denaturalized and 30,000 fled abroad as political asylum seekers.

With a provisional article added on the new constitution, which was adopted with a referendum in an atmosphere of great pressure, the Chief of General Staff, Kenan Evren, who led the coup, became the president of Turkey. I remember hearing this expression as a child at the time: “Look at this, Greece has tried junta leaders and is now taking measures against possible coups, but the picture of a junta leader is hung on the wall of the Greek Consulate in Istanbul.”

During the following years, we continuously heard comparisons between Turkey and Greece, with people claiming that Turkey did not fight against juntas as Greece did and that the Turkish people appreciated Greece on this matter. Although not as early as Greece, 30 years after the coup, the AK Party made it possible to try Kenan Evren and other coup plotters. Unlike his predecessors, the AK Party leader and then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan followed Papandreou’s lead in terms of demilitarization and took important steps to end the military tutelage regime in Turkey.

Having experienced three military coup attempts in the past, Turkey confronted yet another coup attempt on July 15, 2016. The attempted coup was orchestrated by Fetullah Gulen, a former religious clerk currently residing in the U.S. and was organized by Gulenist Terror Group (FETO) operatives, who infiltrated the Turkish military. The coup was repelled with the efforts of President Erdogan and the Turkish people. 248 people died and 2146 were injured during the insurrection. While the majority of coup plotters were tried and arrested, some of them fled to Greece and Germany. Germany, the founding member of the EU, and Greece, a country that knows well what a coup means, welcomed the military officers who had plotted and organized the attempted coup. A group of putschist military officers landed in Alexandroupoli, Greece, with a military helicopter following the July 15 coup attempt. Last month, the Greek Council of State decided to grant asylum to these eight officers based on the verdict that there is not enough competent evidence regarding the involvement of these individuals in the coup attempt and their affiliation with FETO. Shame on Greece, Germany, and especially, the U.S.

SETA has recently published a second, extended report on “The organization of FETO (Fethullah Gulen Terror Organization) in Germany and Germany’s Policy on FETO”. The comprehensive report expounds the structure and activities of the organization in Germany, considered a safe haven for FETO fugitives and offers a holistic account of FETO in Germany spanning the profile and historical institutionalization of the organization, structure of their network, recruitment methods, affiliated NGOs, schools, financial resources, lobby activities, media outlets, close relations with the German government and provides solutions and strategies for the combat against FETO. The report also conducts an elaborate comparative analysis of FETO prior and following the 15 July coup attempt, which marks a turning point in their operations, the result of four decades of covert operations, dedicated planning, foreign alliances and gradual infiltration into many state apparatuses and strategic organizations.

FETO’s structure, network and educational institutions

FETO’s second largest presence after Turkey amongst 170 countries worldwide is Germany. The report notes that FETO capitalizes on the fact that Germany is home to the largest Turkish diaspora and has largely gained ground by “exploiting the void created by unsuccessful integration strategies employed on Turkish expatriates”. FETO begins indoctrinating future followers at their schools governed by a separate and cunningly devised curriculum “that synthesize Gulenist teachings with modern science”. FETO opens numerous “light houses/Lichthauser” for students across Germany where the extracurricular indoctrination continues in a communal environment. As delineated in the report, there are around 25-30 private schools and 150 prep centers in Germany and it notes the resignation of a principal of German origin from one of these schools citing his farewell statement: “The teachers are admirers of Gulen and take decisions in my absence. I can no longer take responsibility for this school.”

The report depicts the concentric and hierarchical structure of FETO where the external circle consists of sympathizers and attendees of the weekly sohbet (“discussion”) gatherings, and those that receive financial aid from FETO, the middle circle comprises the financial donors, businessmen who cover the wages of the inner circle and provide resources for the activities of the external circle. The inner circle contains teachers, journalists, lobbyists, academicians, think tanks and company employees of FETO. The report notes that their allegiance and loyalty is appraised by how much they “give back” to their community as percentage of wages “reaching up to 70% of their income”.

FETO’s income sources

With an estimated net worth of 50 billion dollars worldwide as of 2008, the report suggests that the organization operates akin to a holding rather than a religious organization and divulges affiliate organizations that generate revenues as companies, schools, media outlets, NGOs and charity organizations which funnel money to be used for alternate purposes. Their business platform BUV (Federal Union of Entrepreneurs Foundation) comprises many important companies. The report also reveals that FETO is noted for “generating illegal income via money laundering, tax evasion and spurious bills through members holding dual citizenship to facilitate undetected international transfer of money.”

“We will be useful for Germany”

Following the coup attempt which largely revealed their ulterior intentions in the eyes of public opinion (unanimously in Turkey and increasingly abroad), FETO was compelled to put on a facade to maintain their presence in Germany, by distancing and differentiating themselves from the rest of the Turkish diaspora, the report attests that FETO adopted a multifaceted rhetoric such as “moderate Islam”, “interfaith dialogue”, “educational organization”, “well-integrated/assimilated Turk” and “useful instrument to pressurize the Turkish government”. The report highlight that for Die Welt newspaper, FETO openly confesses that they will be useful for Germany (Wir Werden Deutschland von Nutzen Sein).

FETO’s infiltration into German politics

The report showcases the political infiltration of FETO in Germany via their Intercultural Dialogue Forum (Forum für Interkulturellen Dialog e.V. –FID) where former president of German Federal Parliament and member of CDU Christian Democratic Union, Rita Süssmuth and Omid Nouripour of the Alliance ’90/The Greens who currently serves as a member of the Bundestag, spokesperson on party’s foreign affairs, both served as members of the advisory board. Both members were “compelled to part ways with FID after public questioning of their affiliation with FETO following recent developments”.

Germany’s reaction to FETO and suggestions for joint bilateral action

Capitalizing on the ease with Germany provides recluse to Turkish political refugees, FETO has sought the assistance of Germany and as the report indicates “among 288 diplomatic passport holders and 771 special passport holders who have applied for asylum, 42% have been accepted by February 2018.”

Germany’s reluctance to extradite coup plotters, failure to acknowledge the criminal status of FETO and open condoning of FETO atrocities despite ample evidence provided by Turkey and the criticisms directed by German opposition parties on the antidemocratic nature of FETO, is regarded to be “in stark contradiction with their supposed stance on democratic values and hurts bilateral relations.” The report notes the remarks of Bruno Kahl, president of German Federal Intelligence Service who rejected in an interview to Der Spiegel that FETO was behind the coup attempt. When asked whether Berlin was informed of the powers behind the 15 July coup attempt, Kahl replied that answering this question would not be possible since it would be against the German government’s “vital interests”.

The report suggests that the German public is still largely uninformed of FETO’s true colors and receives a one sided view of the organization and calls the German government to take concrete steps to cooperate with Turkey to thwart this dangerous organization and raise awareness on their covert criminal operations. The report also suggests that bilateral cooperation can be triggered into motion between the two countries by providing concrete suggestions for joint action to thwart FETO which poses a mutual threat to both countries as it uses similar methodologies to permeate state institutions worldwide and has publicly announced that it will completely move its base from Turkey to Germany following the coup attempt.

*Written by Rukiye Kaya 

U.S. President Trump had another one of his Twitter moments on Thursday. This time, the target was Turkey. He tweeted as follows: “The United States will impose large sanctions on Turkey for their long time detainment of Pastor Andrew Brunson, a great Christian, family man and wonderful human being. He is suffering greatly. This innocent man of faith should be released immediately!” The tone and means of the message is far from diplomatic conventions but this is not something unusual for Trump. There are stranger things in this matter.

First, who is Andrew Brunson and why was he jailed (currently under house arrest)? Brunson is an American pastor who has lived in Turkey over two decades. He was arrested on December 9, 2016, about 4 months after the failed coup attempt in Turkey. He was arrested for terrorism and spying charges. It is no secret that countries send spies to other countries, even to the ones they ally with. Hence, whether or not Brunson is one of them, it would not surprise anybody if some people spy in Turkey for the U.S. When people are found spying, they might be exchanged, which is not uncommon between countries. But there is more to this story.

To open it up further, Brunson was claimed to be linked to FETO (Fethullahist Terror Organization) which plotted the June 15, 2016 coup attempt and is responsible for killing 250 Turkish nationals and injuring thousands on the night of the coup attempt. Speaking of FETO, the leader of the organization and the mastermind of the coup attempt, Fethullah Gulen lives in his mansion in the U.S. Gulen is not a U.S. citizen but Turkey’s calls for his extradition does not find ears in the States. U.S. politicians keep referring to the issue as a matter of judiciary and avoid taking initiative. Yet, when it comes to the Brunson case in Turkey, Trump can easily threaten Turkey with “large sanctions.”

Something is not right in this picture. Why would the U.S. not extradite a non-U.S. (Turkish) citizen to Turkey despite the bloodshed he spilt in Turkey? Why would the U.S. allow the remnants of Gulen’s network to organize in the country, while some other partners of Turkey extradite the members of the organization? What would any sensible person think about such a situation? Gulen is a Turkish citizen who plotted a coup attempt in Turkey but seeks and finds support from the U.S. As a result, many, if not all, Turkish nationals see the July 15 coup attempt as an American project.

In fact, it is easy for the U.S. to end these suspicions by simply extraditing Gulen. But for some reason it is not. Why not? When this is the case, naturally, many Turkish nationals think the U.S. will not extradite Gulen because he knows too much! And because his extradition would hurt the American credibility in the eyes of its future partners in crime. Yes, this is the overwhelming public opinion in Turkey on the U.S.-Gulen affair. And who can claim this line of thinking does not make sense?

At the end of the day, the U.S. has not extradited Gulen so far despite Turkey’s insistence on the matter. Yet, the very same U.S. asks Turkey to release Brunson, who is suspected of spying in Turkey and being linked to Gulen’s coup attempt. This is not fair. This is the stronger side imposing its will on the side that it sees weaker. This is like a quote from the famous Melian dialogue: “While the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.” Well, the story might have a different end this time if the U.S. keeps alienating Turkey and pushing it to seek alternatives to its long-lasting alliance with the U.S. Hence, the question is, will the U.S. try to keep a significant ally on its side or push it closer to its global rivals?

The U.S.-Turkey relationship has always been subject to ups and downs, including the Cold War years. This was one of the themes covered in a conference on the legacy of the July 15 coup attempt organized by SETA DC. The current state of U.S.-Turkey relations is certainly less than ideal, to say the least, but the good news is that both sides are talking to each other. The laundry list of disagreements includes their diverging views on the PYD and FETO, which continue to derail the relationship. After the U.S. withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and the Trump administration’s decision to impose sanctions on Iran with a November deadline, we can now add Iran to the list.

On the upside, the most recent Manbij agreement could help bridge the gap between the two sides on the PYD issue. The news of investigations launched against FETO may calm, albeit to a limited extent, the Turkish concerns that Gulenists continue to operate freely in the U.S. against Turkey. On Iran, the most recent U.S. officials’ visit to Turkey might help avoid yet another confrontation between the U.S. and Turkey, similar to the one back in 2010 when Turkey voted against imposing sanctions on Iran as one of the non-permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. However, the most recent Congressional proposal that threatens Turkey’s access to some global financial institutions has put extra strains on the relationship.

In the above-mentioned conference, one overarching approach was that the U.S. and Turkey will be able to work through their disagreements as they have in the past. I subscribed to this idea as well but it does not mean that it will be easy. Turkey, as many other countries, has always found it easier to deal with the Executive branch rather than Congress since certain anti-Turkey lobbying groups have a strong influence on the Hill. The absence of a sufficiently large politically active pro-Turkey Turkish constituency in the U.S. has often been a disadvantage for Turkey’s views to be heard on the Hill. In the current situation, Congressional action driven particularly by the Brunson case is creating risks for the health of the ongoing U.S.-Turkey conversations over a variety of problem areas.

President Erdogan and President Trump seem to get along well and that could be a plus for the relationship. However, we cannot overlook the longstanding disputes coupled with a continuing strategic divergence over the PYD issue, which Turkey considers a national security threat. The Manbij agreement certainly helped to come to a common understanding on the northern Syrian city but it remains uncertain if it can be extended to the areas east of the Euphrates. Furthermore, it is a concern for Turkey that the PYD is seeking to cut a deal with the Assad regime to hedge its bets if the U.S. pulls out eventually. The U.S. has not articulated a clear policy on the PYD or about what it seeks to accomplish in northern Syria in the post-Daesh period.

The Trump administration continues to deal with domestic political problems ahead of the November elections. Much of the administration’s foreign policy approach has been about disruption and policy reversals rather than comprehensive strategies. The most consequential policy change for Turkey’s regional strategy might be the Trump administration’s policy reversal toward Iran, which is currently focused on imposing sanctions and isolating the country.

The U.S.’ relationship with Turkey continues to lack a solid policy framework although it benefits from established institutional ties and more robust engagement recently. The new Iran strategy may spell trouble for the relationship if the U.S. ignores Turkey’s concerns. In the absence of a broad framework for the bilateral relationship, we may end up experiencing a rehash of the 2010 disagreement over Iran, which may undermine limited progress in other areas.

The U.S. and Turkey can and most likely will work through specific policy issues but the current uncertainties can certainly destabilize the relationship once again. Both sides have a strong interest in avoiding such a scenario and deepening the strategic conversation will be ever more important to overcome potential spoilers.

Once, the Prussian King Frederic II chose a place in the southwest of Berlin for the construction of a palace for himself. But there was a massive mill in the land. So, if he were to have a palace in this place, the mill would both spoil the panorama and make noise. Upon that, the King went to the owner of the mill named sans-souci (carefree) and told him that he decided to buy the mill at that very moment, asking him to estimate a price for it. Sans souci refused to sell his mill and answered the King’s threats and objections as follows: “Of course, your majesty, your majesty could easily do that, if – begging your pardon – it were not for the Supreme Court in Berlin.” The King gave permission for the construction of the palace, whereas the mill remained within the complex. Eventually, the palace was named after the miller. Since then, those words of the miller are employed in such contexts related to justice in Germany and various other countries including Turkey.

As looked through the present-day perspective of Turkey, we see military coup plotters alongside the PKK militants in Berlin. Of course, there is a Supreme Court in Berlin, but the present justice system does not interdict their presence. One can contend that it is customary for the states regarded as democratic to protect several terror groups, which is true. However, the definitions, regulations and penalties with regard to terrorism, terrorists and terror crimes vary from country to country across the world. The approaches similar to Germany’s have also been displayed in the policies adopted by other European countries in the case of the PKK. Consequently, although it is unacceptable for Turkey, this approach of Germany can be evaluated within the norms of the European Union. But no matter what justification is employed, there is a fact that Germany can never explain today. How could Germany, one of the two founding states of the EU, harbor and protect the people who attempted to stage a coup in Turkey, who is an EU candidate? Being the leading state of the EU, Germany has to make it clear that on which EU criteria they protect the Gulenist Terror Group (FETO) militants.

The FETO operatives who attempted to stage a military coup in Turkey on July 15, 2016, which killed 248 people and wounded more than 2.000, fled to Germany shortly after the attempted coup. According to the data released by the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, BAMF), a total of 1.059 people, including 288 with diplomatic passports and 771 with green (bureaucratic) passports, requested asylum between the time of the attempted coup and March 2018; and almost half of them were granted with asylum.

Also, Germany was not informed about the organizational structure of FETO solely through the channel of Turkey. On July 25, 2014, the intelligence service of Baden-Württemberg state released a comprehensive report about FETO on its website. But it turned out that the report was removed from the website following the coup attempt. As of August 2016, it became apparent thanks to the statements of the suspects and the witnesses and intelligence data that FETO members chose Germany as a harbor. Among the Turkish public, no one has doubts regarding FETO’s role in the failed coup. Hundreds of statements and analysis on the subject issued by many politicians of all political parties, including the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), can be found with a simple Google search. Despite that, the German Federal Intelligence Chief Bruno Kahl gave an interview to Der Spiegel on March 18, 2017, in which he claimed that FETO is a non-governmental organization engaging in religious and secular education activities and they were not convinced that FETO leader Fetullah Gulen was behind the coup attempt. These remarks stirred a great deal of reaction not only from Turkey, but from the German media and the Left Party of Germany.

In an article entitled “Wo Erdoğan Recht Hat?” (The Points Where Erdogan is Right About), which was published by TAZ on September 11, 2017, Jürgen Gottschlich covered the allegations on the criminal records of prominent FETO members and touched upon the possibility that Kahl either is not familiar with the issue at all or does deliberately protect the organization. Another article published by FAZ a few days later warned that in case it is found that the FETO operatives whose part in the coup attempt were proven were hiding in Germany, Berlin would not overcome the burden of harboring a criminal organization in its territory without taking legal proceedings.

The Left Party also issued a number of parliamentary questions on the subject. The replies given to these questions by the German government clarified Germany’s stance on FETO. One of the questions demanded to know that on which intelligence data Kahl’s remarks are based and whether Berlin was informed about the identity of the forces involved in the failed coup. The answer given to this question underscored that the organization was not monitored by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz or BfV). Of course, Germany could not have announced the contacts it had with FETO members it protects. But with the answer given to the second parliamentary question, the German government avowedly displayed its position. The government suggested that answering such a question is not possible for the vital interests of the German state.

Surely there is a Supreme Court in Berlin today. But it is alarming that a state of law who is the founding member of the EU is currently guarding coup plotters, which is not even kept as a secret. The German public will hopefully bring them to account one day.

The Turkish Republic has faced several coups and coup attempts since its establishment in 1923 and even throughout the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries. This trend, unfortunately, did not change in subsequent times as it –once again– came into appearance in 1960, 1971, 1980, 1997 and even on 27 April 2007, when a so-called “e-memorandum” was issued by the ultra-secularist then-General Staff of the Turkish Armed Forces in order to prevent the AK Party’s presidential candidate from being elected.

It’s ill-advised to acknowledge some un-informed Turkish academics who insisted on the thesis that the Turkish military had always respected Turkish democracy and that the only intent of the putschists was to restore the allegedly repeatedly failing Turkish democracy. Similar narratives do not merit consideration as they overlook or intentionally disregard significant factors. Proposing that the Turkish military thus far was able to intervene in politics without the support of foreign allies is imprudent. Thus, it’s quite logical to expect that subsequent to an alleged “restoration” process following coup regimes, even those supporting the tutelage military regimes may put pressure to put an end to this period. That’s it. Furthermore, without the pressure of external factors, neither Turkey would have given up its one-party CHP-regime in 1946, nor would it lend the power to civilians after each coup attempt. But these issues go beyond the borders of this column.

Turks are generally aware of the historical anti-democratic mechanisms and tutelage intending institutions in Turkey, which have been largely attenuated in the recent 15 years. Despite these democratic changes, which prioritized the civil actors in the Turkish political system, today, the question arises about how a military coup on July 15, 2016, could been attempted? Moreover and more importantly, how was the coup attempt prevented on this instance?

The main and striking factor in the prevention of the recent coup attempt was the people’s active will, who were able to directly thwart the execution of the coup. For the first time in Turkish history, people stood against the country’s own military and blocked an infiltrated faction of the military geared to take over the country’s leadership–as a result of this heroic resistance of unarmed civilians, 250 Turks were martyred by the armed forces.

On this instance in contrast with previous coups, the driving force behind the coup was not a Kemalist or ultra-secularist group, but rather the supporters of Fetullah Gulen, whose disciples infiltrated key state institutions over the last 40 years. The Gulenist cult members are widely acknowledged and designated today by all Turkish political parties and societal groups as a terrorist organization, called FETO. All left-wing, right-wing and conservative circles have no doubt regarding the perpetrators of the 15 July coup attempt.

This consensus is also a reason why during the night of the coup attempt, not only conservatives and nationalists took to the streets to prevent the coup –subsequent to President Erdogan’s call– but also some leftists and even some Kemalists deemed the coup attempt illegitimate and illegal. To understand the people’s actual motivations and their standpoints in a broader perspective, our book-publication, ‘Democracy Watch: Social Perception of 15 July Coup Attempt’ from 2016 may be a good reference to contextualize Turkish people and their perception of the 15th July coup attempt.

In the 1990s, when the armed forces still controlled Turkish politics by indirect mechanisms –such as the media etc. – this kind of collective civil mobilization against an anti-democratic armed actor would be unimaginable. Thus, both the partly successful de-militarization process of Turkey’s politics in the recent years via rise of civil-democratic politics and the fact that the coup was attempted by a prevalently hated group, the FETO, were important in thwarting the coup. This is also a fundamental reason why the state of emergency, which will end in the coming days, was not opposed by the majority of Turks since its main target was the FETO.

Furthermore, it should be stressed that the presidential leadership was a crucial factor in the failure of the attempt. By calling the citizens to go on streets and protect democratic rights, Turkish President Erdogan differentiated himself from previous Turkish political leaders and thus mobilized the country against an anti-democratic attempt. The result was ultimately a success, reaching yet another successful milestone paving the way to Turkey’s progressive democracy path.

Nowadays, questions also arise as to the plausibility of potential future coup attempts. Undoubtedly, steps such as the strengthening of people’s democratic sensitivities, sustaining the democratic transformation of Turkey’s political institutions, continuing the fight against illegal groups within the army such as FETO, and the establishment of a further professional-democratic understanding of the armed forces by stressing civilian control will be the main factors in minimizing the likelihood of future coup attempts – regardless of their affiliations. Of course, the importance and meaning of the Turkish armed forces for Turks is not to be disregarded or diminished and it’s true that this perception is based on a rather emotional, religious and historical backdrop. Nevertheless, this fact does not hinder the need to further develop a sincere democratic understanding of civil-military relations in Turkish politics.

In this sense, it’s important to stress the recent institutional step, according to which the chief of General Staff and force commanders will henceforth fall under the new Defense Minister – a civil person. As already known, the previous Chief of General Staff, General Hulusi Akar, quit his job as military official right after he was appointed as the new Defense Minister in Turkey’s first presidential cabinet last week. Thus, it seems that an interesting transition model was formulated in order to establish an effective increase in civil politics. Moreover, similar progressive steps to develop the civilian control of the military –by taking into account the needs of a strong and democratic military– will most likely provide beneficial in reducing the notion of coups in the minds of anti-democrats, let alone the likelihood of potential future coup attempts by factions of the army.

Within two years since the July 15 coup attempt, Turkey has overcome several monumental challenges. The first and foremost challenge was the coup attempt which was thwarted in its tracks by civilian initiative thus setting the path for future challenges. The coup attempt was undertaken by an illegal organization, FETO, which tried to usurp power from within the state bureaucracy. Members of this organization had systematically infiltrated state institutions for decades while keeping up a façade of merely being a civil society organization.

Turkish people took to streets upon President Erdogan’s call to confront the putschists and protect their democracy. Countless stories from that night have been recounted all illustrating that Turkish people will no longer tolerate anti-democratic forces to dictate their will. It was clear from the onset of the night of the July 15 coup attempt that the era of coups in Turkey was drawing to an end. Unlike previous military interventions, Turkish people’s resistance that night signaled a major turning point in the history of Turkish democracy.

The second challenge was to tackle an unequaled terror organization which had taken over many strategic institutions, subsequently permeating its grip on power through anti-democratic means. Turkey was already dealing with domestic and regional terror organizations like the PKK and DAESH. Confronting FETO, however, demanded a unique approach as this organization existed within the state itself. Turkey had to comb through the state bureaucracy to find out members of a highly secretive organization who received orders from outside rather than from their legitimate superiors in the bureaucratic hierarchy. Especially in the weeks and months immediately following the coup attempt, there was imminent fear of the potential of another coup attempt transpiring any moment. The recent trauma of the night of July 15 was compounded with the urgent need to find out the perpetrators and prevent yet another attempt.

The third challenge was to establish a multi-pronged approach to combat domestic and regional terrorism. Both DAESH and the YPG, the Syrian branch of the PKK, were posing immediate security threats especially along the Syrian border. Towns bordering Turkey were often subjected to rocket attacks and occasional destabilizing activities such as smuggling. Lack of stability on the Syrian side of the border created opportunities for the YPG, which was increasingly legitimized and encouraged by western support. Only a month after the coup attempt, Turkey decided to take the fight across the border into Syria both to demonstrate its resolve and to ensure that it would not simply sit by and watch the PKK gain ground. To this end, Turkey conducted the Euphrates Shield and Afrin operations in addition to maintaining a military presence in Idlib. Through its military intervention in northern Syria, Turkey’s fight against terrorism evolved from a defensive state to a new proactive approach after the coup attempt by fighting terror organizations across the border when necessary.

The fourth challenge was a political one: to rebuild the political system that suffered from decades of military and civilian tutelage system. The traditional tutelary system prevented the popular will from being fully reflected in the political arena and various state institutions had the ultimate say in state affairs. The AK Party years have challenged this system in a significant way and yet a comprehensive change to the system, which was demanded by people of all segments of the society, had still to be realized. The 2017 referendum on the transition to a presidential system represented the most significant overhaul of the governance system in Turkey. With the June 24 elections, Turkey has now transitioned to a full presidential system whereby the state institutions originally set up to oversee the civilian governments are now going to serve under the elected leaders. It will take time for the new system to be fully functional and there may even be hurdles along the way. Nevertheless, an elected president and an elected parliament are now at the center of the political system with the unelected and appointed civil and military bureaucratic institutions serving under them.

We will certainly continue to debate the reverberations of the July 15 coup attempt and its legacy for the country. But one overarching message is clear: Turkish people will no longer tolerate their democratic rights and popular will to be undermined and hijacked by cliques and terror groups from within and outside the state. This will most likely constitute the cornerstone of the country’s democratic maturity in the years ahead.

Two years ago, Turkey witnessed the coup attempt by the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), which had been infiltrating critical state institutions for a long time. The putschists killed 241 people and 2195 others were injured. During the two-year period after the coup attempt, there have been serious investigations towards FETO-linked people in public institutions and the judiciary. These investigations aimed to purify state institutions from FETO domination.

After two years, understanding the attitudes and perceptions of people towards FETO is important. There have been some studies analyzing the psychological aspects of the coup attempt and its perpetrator. All these studies show that FETO is still perceived as the most dangerous terrorist organization by people and it differs from other organizations by choosing extraordinary methods. For instance, while it pretends to be “a peaceful religious community working for the sake of humanity” in the international arena, the members of this terrorist organization still manipulate investigations to commit more crimes. The complication of their methods in communication and giving orders still make them one of the most abnormal terrorist organizations in history.

All of these factors keep the hatred towards FETO among Turkish people alive. The second commemoration of the coup attempt took place with the participation of millions of people throughout the country. In cities, people prayed for the souls of the martyrs and the sake of Turkey. They also showed their anger and hatred towards FETO. This shows that there is a consensus among people, no matter their ideology or political view, that FETO is a dangerous terrorist organization, which does not hesitate to act against human dignity.

The hatred towards FETO makes July 15 one of the most critical junctures in Turkey’s history. After the coup attempt, millions of people gathered for democracy watches in order to show their respect to Turkish democracy. These events created a new atmosphere uniting people all around the country. The participation to commemoration ceremonies in masses shows that this spirit is still alive after two years. Thus, it is obvious that July 15 created a founding spirit for the future of the country.

Even if there is a consensus on July 15 and its meaning in Turkey’s history among Turkish people, there is a concern among people that foreign countries failed to understand FETO danger. The two-year lasting process after the coup attempt shows that foreign countries are not aware of the dangers of this terrorist organization. Obviously, one of the reasons of this misperception arises from the widespread belief among these countries indicating that this organization is not as dangerous as Turkey claims.

Since FETO is a multi-faced terrorist organization showing its “soft” and “peaceful” face to foreign countries, most of these countries are blind to see connections between this group and the July 15 coup attempt. This makes it difficult to fight against FETO in the international arena. Additionally, some groups in Turkey also try to soften perceptions against this group under the influence of the discourse of FETO. Nonetheless, it should be reminded that some Western countries – in comparison to their attitudes two years ago – have begun to take into account the role of FETO in the coup attempt. This reflects some success in Turkey’s fight against the terrorist organization.

Consequently, Turkey proceeds to convince other countries about its two-year lasting fight. The unquestionable consensus among Turkish people on FETO’s role as the perpetrator of the coup attempt also started to re-shape the approaches of foreign countries. It is obvious that, with the support of the people, Turkey will continue to progress in its fight against FETO in the domestic and international arena.

One of the most important actors on the night of July 15, 2016, was the personnel of the Directorate of Religious Affairs. Calling mosque staff in all cities to duty, the directorate consolidated the people’s resistance against the coup taking place in Istanbul and Ankara. In this respect, in an unprecedented way, mosques broadcasted messages calling people to go out on the streets and thwart the coup attempt. This process, during which the Directorate of Religious Affairs personnel faced dangers such as going through a conflict zone or being attacked by some Turkish citizens verbally and physically, was initiated with former President of Religious Affairs Mehmet Gormez’s verbal instruction on Ulke TV when he reached the TV channel through phone around 11:40 PM:

“I ask all of my devoted brothers out there, please each and every one of you run to the minarets. First recite salawats to Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), then invite all people of Turkey to protect their rights and will.”

In addition to this verbal instruction on TV, the directorate personnel received a text written by Mehmet Gormez around 01:00 AM:

“My fellow devoted brother, doing whatever we can to protect the rights of our people is our duty. We can never allow this country and its people to be divided, deprived of peace and prosperity along with the will of people being infringed through coercion and violence. As the spiritual guides of our nation, we will stand with the people against all illegal initiatives. I call all of you to resist this heinous treachery [the coup attempt] in a nonviolent way by going up the minarets, the symbol of our freedom. Tonight, lights of minaret should remain on and the people of Turkey should be invited to protect their rights via reciting salawats.

Mehmet Gormez”

After this instruction of Mehmet Gormez, sounds of salawats, call to prayers, prayers and announcements rose from the minarets. Gormez had given the general framework to muezzins and let them do whatever they can within this framework. This situation revealed a rich potential of materials; while some muezzins recited salawats unceasingly, others were inviting people to resistance after salawats, praying in Turkish/Arabic, reciting “salat-ı ümmiye,” Turkey’s national anthem and poems.

Shaped through improvisation in terms of content, this rich material gave insight to the relations between the July 15-religion in particular and religion-state/politics/democracy/military in general along with how these relations were perceived by Turkish society. In addition, it also revealed how the directorate personnel viewed this sinister event and how they conveyed their views to the public along with uncovering how one of the most effective motivators functioned. In this respect, this material is crucial and for this reason it would be beneficial to look at what happened on the night of July 15 from this perspective through the common points that could be found among limited sources:

Looking at the mood of these calls and prayers, it is clear that there is an apparent and dominant “war of independence” or invasion psychology. This wasn’t a coup aiming to overthrow the government, but the state, call to prayer, the flag and independence – all of which are seen as synonymous. “Europe,” “the U.S.” “Zionists,” “Christians,” “heretics,” “hypocrites” and co-conspiring traitors are behind this coup attempt. This psychology had an impact on the frequent recitation of the Turkish national anthem written along with Arif Nihat Asya’s poem “Biz Kısık Sesleriz” [“We are the husky voices”]. Meanwhile, referred historical figures also reflect this psychology: Ulubatli Hasan, Mehmed the Conquerer, Abdulhamid II, Sütçü İmam…

National unity and solidarity are among the most underscored arguments during the calls made from minarets. Undoubtedly, this was the case because it wasn’t a solely military coup; it was perpetrated by a religious order which had a social correspondence. In this respect, with the addition of indiscriminate usage of heavy weaponry against the people, the coup was seen more of a threat than just a struggle for power between two parties or an attempt to shift power. This perception was due to the damage caused by violent political and social conflicts in Syria and Egypt in the near past being still fresh in the memory of people.

Protecting democracy and the national will were two points that were frequently expressed by religious officials when calling people to resist. People were invited to take the streets not only for the love of God or country, but also for the love of democracy, while it was highlighted that the national will, elected government, president or the Parliament could be altered with arms and coups, that was a clear threat.

Exactly two years has passed since the July 15, 2016, coup attempt in Turkey, but the fight against the terrorist organization led by the U.S.-based former imam Fetullah Gulen, officially known as FETO, remains at the top of the country’s agenda. The sustained importance of this issue stems from the discovery of new evidence about the organization as well as the opposition’s approach to Turkey’s crackdown on the FETO network.

In the wake of the July 15 coup attempt, Turkey launched a proactive campaign against FETO terrorism. It is necessary to note, however, that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s commitment to this struggle predated the failed coup. As a matter of fact, he described the group as a ‘parallel state’ in the immediate aftermath of the judicial coup attempt on December 17-25, 2013. A designated terrorist organization that the National Security Council (MGK) officially identified as a threat against Turkey’s national security, FETO suffered major setbacks since the July 15 coup attempt, as its operational capabilities within the country were completely eliminated – at least for the time being. The declaration of a state of emergency, coupled with a number of decreed issues within that legal framework, facilitated the dismissal of FETO members, affiliates and contacts from the public service. Others, who actively participated in the organization’s illegal activities, were brought to justice. Over the following months, Turkish courts handed down various sentences to defendants over their links to FETO and their complicity in the July 15 coup attempt.

The question today is whether Turkey’s struggle against this 50-year-old organization, which is half as old as the Republic itself, has reached its conclusion. In order to answer this question, we must provide the following analysis and support the claims mentioned in it.

First of all, FETO has never been a religious organization. Since its formation, the group operated as a terrorist organization. Provided that it successfully disguised itself as a faith community, however, resulted in an overall failure to understand the movement’s true nature until the July 15 coup attempt.

Fundamental qualities of the organization

In order to fully appreciate the challenges that Turkish authorities face in their fight against FETO, it is necessary to understand what kind of organization it really is. At the same time, it is crucial to raise awareness about the threat posed by FETO members, whom certain foreign governments continue to harbor, to host FETO members around the world.

According to many counterterrorism experts who describe FETO as a terrorist organization, the group does not share the organization structure and operational processes with others. Developing a deeper understanding of the organization, whose members are radicalized by Fetullah Gulen’s cult of personality, is also key to the success of ongoing efforts to defeat it. To be clear, it is not possible to argue that FETO is known or has been explained sufficiently.

The first defining feature of cult movements is that their authoritarian leaders are considered sacred by their followers. Since the organization’s establishment, Gulen’s most significant accomplishment was to identify himself as a holy person. As a self-proclaimed chosen person, Gulen repeatedly compared himself to the Prophet Muhammad over the years. At other times, he presented himself as the executioner of His wishes. In doing so, Gulen took necessary precautions to ensure his total control over the organization. As a paranoid individual, he single-handedly decided which of his followers would marry and how they would name their children. Gülen also monitored the communications of his closest associates in an effort to concentrate all powers in his own hands.

FETO is also quite capable of indoctrination, which is the second most important quality of cult movements. As a matter of fact, the entire organization is a reflection of Gülen himself. A closer look at the group would reveal that it shares the personality traits of its leader. As such, the organization shares Gülen’s sinister nature, desire for becoming a legend, fear of death, tendency to alienate others, eagerness to hide his true motives and lack of confidence. Gulen was able to accomplish this goal with the help of a powerful network of indoctrination. Over the years, recordings, preparation schools and educational institutions have been the most significant carriers of Gulen’s messages. It was thereby that the organization’s leader came to control the minds of recruits from their childhood onwards. Those individuals, whose minds came to be controlled, became main players within the ‘parallel state’ in later years. With a sense of absolute devotion, they swallowed all discourse and actions of Gulen and his organization without reservation. Despite the overwhelming evidence against Gulen, for example, many members of the organization continue to turn a blind eye to the criminal nature of its activities out of absolute devotion and the hope of a better future.

To be clear, the nature of FETO was unmistakably shaped by the objectives of its sponsors. For example, many people view the organization’s current state as a deviation from religious principles over time. Quite the contrary, FETO has never been a religious movement. Instead, it has always been a terrorist organization. Instead of undermining state authority through armed struggle like traditional terrorist organizations, it aimed to infiltrate various public institutions to create a ‘parallel state’ which would take over the country’s government when the time came. Almost all sources on FETO, however, lack a coherent analysis of its emergence – – even though Gulen has always been open about his ultimate goal. A careful analysis would reveal that only a handful studies delve into the organization’s relationship with the Peace Volunteers Movement, a product of Washington’s anti-communist campaign that started its activities in Turkey in the early 1960s (just as Gulen was starting out), or how much time Gulen used to spend at the American locale in Edirne and his links to intelligence officers during his military service.

At all stages of its evolution, FETO remained capable of easily adapting to changing political circumstances in Turkey and around the world.  In other words, it assumed the shape of its container. It used religion to conceal its true identity and seized the opportunities it entailed.

At which level is Turkey in its fight against FETO?

The first step taken in order to fight with FETO was to initiate investigations against kumpas davaları (trials that FETO promoted with manipulations and fake evidences) which were used by FETO for the purpose of providing a “legal” dimension to its illegal activities. By these illegal activities, FETO aimed to speed up its organizational structuration in public institutions such as the Turkish Armed Forces.

OHAL (state of emergency) was put into action following the July 15 failed coup attempt. Then, with the help of decree laws issued in this state of emergency, the elimination of FETO members in public officials and breaking their power in various fields mainly including the spheres of education, media and economy, were at the top of the agenda. Dismissal of persons, who take orders from their “brothers” and “sisters” in the organization instead of their chiefs in the public offices, can be understood in this context. In this way, public personnel who have connections with FETO were dismissed and legal proceedings against them were initiated for the reason of abusing the possibilities offered by the state.

In order to block activities of FETO in the field of education, nearly 2.000 schools, student dormitories and various courses in connection with the organization have been closed by the Ministry of National Education.

Also, precautions were taken against the economic power of FETO by dealing with companies such as Bank Asya and Group of Koza Ipek, who act as intermediaries for money laundering. Trustees were appointed to these companies and suspicious past activities of them were examined by ministries, institutions and organizations.

The process of removing the effects of FETO from the state, as the most important part of the fight against FETO, is not an individual-centered approach but rather it aims to remove groups whose activities were infected with terrorism/crime. Up to now, 287 lawsuits were filed against the coup attempt and 171 cases reached at decisions. In these cases, 2.140 people were sentenced.

Turkey continues to struggle with FETO even in the international arena. Various information and documents have been forwarded to interlocuters in order to struggle with the manipulations initiated by the terrorist organization. In this context, authority in FETO schools in many places, especially in the Balkans and African countries, were delivered to the Republic of Turkey.

FETO isn’t just a threat against Turkey

Starting with the judiciary and law enforcement, the officials conducting Turkey’s fight against FETO, along with the political leadership behind the agenda, cracked down on the organization’s network at unprecedented levels. Keeping in mind Gulen’s character traits, it is important to highlight that the organization cannot be completely incapacitated in a short period of time. After all, FETO isn’t limited to its public profile. Since April 2017, the Turkish National Police has identified the organization’s undercover cells within the state apparatus and security operations concentrated on those specific targets. In light of newly available evidence, the Turkish authorities concluded that FETO was an extremely potent covert organization. It is possible to argue that each visible component of the organization has a ‘parallel’ or hidden counterpart. For example, it became clear that all FETO members within the Turkish Armed Forces reported to other, ghost-like members (known as hidden imams within the group). Regardless of their ranks, those operatives received orders and instructions from individuals other than their superiors within the military hierarchy. This specific arrangement meant that FETO became a ‘parallel state’ par excellence and was indeed a terrorist organization seeking to seize control of the state apparatus.

In addition to generating revenue for the group, FETO schools across the world served as a source of new recruits who would be trained to become part of the ‘parallel state.’ For the sake of presenting itself as a peaceful movement, FETO used its educational institutions as a front. Although Turkey ended the group’s activities in the area of education, it is important to note that Gulen’s school network became the organization’s backbone in recent years. Gulen-affiliated schools in the United States, Europe, Central Asia and Africa carry on supporting the survival of the organization. According to information obtained from individuals, who were captured in Ukrain, Sudan, Kosovo, Azerbaijan and Gabon in recent months by the Turkish intelligence servcices, they served as principals or teachers at FETO schools.

FETO schools outside Turkey must be considered serious national security threats in host countries. After all, those institutions formed the backbone of the group’s presence in other countries. First and foremost, countries harboring identified FETO members are now the new centers of the organization. These countries violate international law and diplomatic norms by supporting a terrorist organization, which attempted to overthrow Turkey’s democratically elected government in 2016, to seem unreliable. At the same time, they render themselves defenseless against potential attacks by FETO members. It is no secret that the children of local elites in many countries, where the group operates, are enrolled in schools affiliated with Gulen. As a matter of fact, it is possible to argue that political elites in countries, where FETO launched educational institutions relatively early, are graduates of those schools. In this regard, the group forms ‘parallel states’ in those countries as well.

On July 15, 2016, Turkey encountered the single greatest act of rebellion in the history of the Republic – which it overcame thanks to the sacrifice of the ordinary people. In the wake of the coup attempt, the country launched an all-out offensive against FETO. Although significant progress has been made within the country, members of the organization, who fled Turkey ahead of the failed coup, continue a smear campaign against the country. In this regard, many countries, including Turkey’s self-proclaimed allies in the West, do not pay the due attention to the steps taken by Turks in the international arena. Although there is irrefutable evidence linking Gulen to the coup attempt in Turkey, those countries are unwilling to extradite senior leaders of the organization to Turkey. We must not forget that FETO is the product of an ‘intelligence thinking’ and the group’s structure and activities were shaped by the same line of thinking. As such, the organization poses a security threat not just to Turkey but also other countries where it remains operational. Let us hope that those who ignore the FETO threat today can see the group for what it really is before it is too late.

Two years ago, on July 15, Turkey experienced a vicious coup attempt in its rather substantial history of coups. This coup attempt was more similar to the May 27, 1960 coup when compared to September 12, 1980, as the latter was realized within the chain of command. The July 15 coup attempt was perpetrated by a seemingly religious group, a criminal cult with civilian affiliates that had infiltrated not only the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) but all state institutions makes it unique. During that night, unarmed public and the Parliament were attacked for the first time in Turkish history of coups. This coup, however, was thwarted with the courage of the Turkish people and the determination of the political will. Nevertheless, a challenging process of cleansing state institutions from FETO members and mending the wounds left by the coup attempt had followed.

Re-establishing the public order and incapacitating the putschists were prioritized; without delay, the government began to remove FETO members from state institutions. Following the TAF’s cleansing, FETO-affiliated civil servants in all institutions, especially in the judiciary and the security forces, were removed according to the law, and administrative and legal processes were initiated. However, this was only the beginning. To be able to eliminate this threat efficiently, the Council of Ministers gathered under President Erdogan’s lead announced a three-month state of emergency in all cities of Turkey on July 20.

The state of emergency’s proclamation was preferred because of the extent of the threat and the counter-measures needed to be implemented against it. This coup attempt wasn’t realized only by a limited military junta organized under the TAF – it was perpetrated by a secretive and insidious organization that infiltrated public institutions. Infiltrating the TAF over numerous decades and operating in a clandestine way, the extent and capability of this organization was unclear. Investigations on and operations against this organization show that FETO is yet to be deciphered completely.

During the coup attempt, along with previous events, we have seen the existence of judges, prosecutors, security force members and high-ranking state officials, which unquestioningly obey every whim of FETO leader, Fetullah Gulen. Captured at the “command center” of the coup attempt and later identified as FETO’s TAF imam, Adil Oksuz, was released by judges despite the legal consequences. Similarly, two military prosecutors went to the Akinci Airbase on the day after the coup, destroyed the evidence there and escaped from Turkey.

Along with these, a police officer assassinating Russia’s Ambassador to Turkey, Karlov, indicated the threat FETO posed. It was clear that this organization, which could hurt Turkey’s security and peace with sabotages, assassinations or suicide bombings should be eliminated with a long-term plan. Moreover, the PKK and Daesh were increasing their pressure on the region, terrorist threats were emerging from Syria and Iraq and cross-border operations were taking place during this period. All of these made the state of emergency a necessity.

Turkey’s state of emergency and terror groups

The state of emergency is a mechanism employed when a state faces an adversary or a threat that cannot be eliminated through common and conventional legal measures. The main characteristic of this mechanism is that it increases state authority which, in turn, allows the state to eliminate the threat more easily. State of emergency is implemented and maintained by constitutional institutions in accordance with the respective laws in the constitution. Therefore, it doesn’t mean undemocratic, unlawful and arbitrary usage of power. Constitutional rights, the rule of law and legal supervision of all state institutions are maintained. In addition, state of emergency is a procedure that is included in the constitutions of all democratic states with the rule of law and no state hesitates to implement it when necessary.

According to the 1982 Constitution, Turkey had two emergency administrative procedures: state of emergency and martial law. Martial law was abolished with the constitutional amendment approved in the April 16 referendum. Therefore, the state of emergency is the only emergency administrative procedure. The constitution foresees that the Council of Ministers gathered under the lead of the president may proclaim a state of emergency with the condition of being limited to 6 months at a time. This decision is published in the official gazette and immediately submitted to the Parliament for ratification. The Parliament can alter the length of the state of emergency – upon request of the Council of Ministers, the Parliament could prolong the state of emergency up until four months at a time or could remove it. In this respect, the Parliament has the final say over the state of emergency. In fact, the Parliament prolonged the state of emergency by three months seven times upon requests of the Council of Ministers in the past two years.

Regarding matters of the state of emergency, the Council of Ministers under the leadership of the president may proclaim executive orders without requiring an empowering law ratified by Parliament. Even though it’s claimed that the executive orders proclaimed during the state of emergency bypass the Parliament, executive orders are submitted to the Parliament and it has the authority to alter, decline or approve them. Indeed, the Parliament has approved all state of emergency executive orders after discussions, rendering them eligible for the supervision of the Constitutional Court. Therefore, both the legislative and the judiciary is able to audit these executive orders. Meanwhile, there are three or four decades old executive orders, which are yet to be audited by the Parliament.

The state of emergency targeting  state or society?

It has been expressed that the most prominent characteristic of the state of emergency is the increasing authority on the part of the state. The extent of this authority and how it should be exercised is regulated by the State of Emergency Law No.2935. Despite the authority endowed to the state by the law, it was exercised in a way to not interfere with the everyday life of the people and to facilitate the fight against FETO. After the events during which police officers and the military clashed, the necessary and efficient precautions to have healthy investigations on thousands of suspected military and police officers, civil servants and civilians, to reestablish public order and to reinvigorate the economic life were implemented with the state of emergency.

It should be underscored that the exercise of authority during the state of emergency is supervised by the judiciary. Only the state of emergency executive orders were exempted from legal supervision of the Constitutional Court. However, as this caused apparent issues, the State of Emergency Commission was established and this commission paved the way for legal supervision.

In a region that is mired with civil wars and various terrorist threats, Turkey faced a military coup attempt and thwarted the short-term threat with sacrifices made by the state and its people. However, the past two years have shown that this is actually a long-term threat that needs to be fought with determination. Despite being occasionally criticized, the state of emergency was received rather well by the public. Nevertheless, prior to the June 24 elections, President Erdogan expressed that they would discuss the annulment of the state of emergency after the elections. Following the elections, former Deputy Prime Minister Bekir Bozdag stated that there was a will to remove the state of emergency and that its schedule would be discussed. If the state of emergency which is to end on July 18 isn’t extended again or the Parliament votes against its extension, it will be annulled. Thus, the state of emergency will be possibly annulled on July 18, if there isn’t any drastic change. It could be expressed that the state will continue to fight against terrorism with determination regardless of the statement of emergency.

“Once innocence is lost, it’s not possible to find it again,” says Bauman. When people start to taint their God-given nature with or without intent, being aware of it or not, nothing will be like it used to before. In this respect, infer the following inspired by the verses “Are those who know equal to those who do not know?” (Az-Zumar 9) and “The darkness and the light are not equal” (Fatir 20): Are those who protect their candor, innocence and humanity equal to those who do not? Holy texts are full of examples who betray themselves, their society, nature and ultimately God himself by failing to protect their innocence. I believe it’s enough to remind Lucifer’s disobedience and Cain’s murder of his brother Able.

To comprehend the loss of innocence is the issue. Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) defines feeling guilty as “remorse” (Ibn Majah, Zuhd, 30). To feel remorse, one should be aware of its crime; moreover, one should reprimand himself/herself. We see that Prophet Jonah submits to the God Almighty by saying “Indeed, I have been of the wrongdoers” (Al-Anbya 87) despite being a prophet himself, while Lucifer constantly avoids facing his crime and loss of innocence through arrogance (Al-Baqarah 34) and trying to justify itself (Al-A’raf 12). This is where the soul and mind become devilish.

FETO’s dogmatism

2 years has passed since the heinous July 15 coup attempt perpetrated by FETO. Turkey was in intensive care for a year, trying to come back to life. Our state, its government (Justice and Development Party, or AK Party for short) and those who backed them both (Nationalist Movement Party, or MHP for short) have implemented meticulous policies throughout this process. We have experienced the individual and societal trauma caused by the attempted attack on the state organization and democratic system. It’s without doubt that some were victimized by false accusations and denouncements motivated by the purple brain or personal ambitions. We see that these wrongs are being corrected incrementally.

The discrepancy between FETO’s apparent facet and hidden agenda, thus it’s extreme form of dissimulation (taqiyya), have inflicted wounds to the minds of all Muslims, especially Islamists, the pious and nationalist-conservatives. Firstly, the treatment of this wound isn’t as easy as it seems. An indomitable will by a resolute political administration is required.

Let’s go back to where it all started. FETO, which was deemed innocent by the public prior to 2012, lost its innocence through the December 17-25 events and the July 15 coup attempt. We are facing a structure characterized by Hoffer’s “true believers” and Rokeach’s “closed [dogmatic] mind.” A mental and emotional rigidity with the potential of fanaticism… Caused by unshakeable belief and utmost devotion, this condition was defined as “being a hashhashin,” referring to Hasan as-Sabbah’s original assassins.

Why? Because with the mind-numbing opium, people transform into mindless drones. It’s possible to talk about Marx’s remark that “religion is the opium of the people.” In FETO’s hand, religion turns into an opiate. For this reason, its members don’t feel remorse about attempting to suspend democracy and infringe the constitution along with killing hundreds of people. According to their belief, remorse is only possible if they disobey FETO leader Gulen, their acclaimed “messiah.”

Considering Fromm described such structures as “authoritarian,” it’s easy to understand how the leaders of fascist organizations are idolized. In this respect, loyalty and trust is only reserved for the leader in FETO. The belief that only the leader represents the truth has invaded every cell of their being. They evaluate every knowledge and information only according to their narrow ideology and purpose. If the provided knowledge and information is compatible with the organization’s teachings, it is accepted easily; otherwise, they will deny. “They have hearts with which they do not understand, they have eyes with which they do not see, and they have ears with which they do not hear” (Al-A’raf 179) describes the type of dogmatic and fanatical people in such authoritarian organizations perfectly.

Fanaticism takes only one step from dogmatism. Fanatics possess all the traits of dogmatic thought process and personality. However, they’re more prone to employing violence. Regardless of religious exploitation, rigid authoritarian structures all possess psychosocial issues like seeing the world in black and white, failing to see the grey zones, monopolizing the truth, perceiving the future with a pessimistic outlook, feeling insecure and accepting only other members as their brothers and sisters. All of these could be observed in FETO; yet, there is more: fanaticism. Individual or organizational, fanaticism is characterized by violence and aggression caused by contracting consciousness. In this regard, FETO isn’t only a dogmatic organization, but also a fanatical one.

The December 17-25 events and the heinous July 15 coup attempt has shown that Gulenism believes the ends justify the means and that it is a terrorist organization using violence unfetteredly. Similar to FETO, the PKK with its Marxist and leftist discourse is also a dogmatic and fanatical organization. So, it’s not hard to understand how these two terrorist organizations have found common ground in inflicting harm to the Turkish people and the state. We see that once innocence is lost everything is permitted.

In psychology, such personalities are deemed as morbose and it’s contagious. Brainwashing, inculcation and persuasion  strategies uniform the members, rendering them into one dimensional personalities. Members of FETO and similar organizations always have strong reaction mechanisms; what I mean by this mechanism is that there is a discrepancy between how they appear and what they actually are. Then, lets ask the question again: did the FETO leader and his followers lose their innocence after December 17-25 and July 15? It’s apparent that this organization that employs and encourages dissimulation has used a different language while they speak with pious people, Kemalists, and with a fellow member. This means innocence never existed.

The July 15 resistance is a milestone

There is another question to ask: why does Turkey suffer a coup or a coup attempt, which is backed by external powers, every 10-15 years? The answer should be sought in terms such as trauma, instability and discontinuity. The 1960 military coup traumatized our grandfathers, 1980 coup traumatized our fathers, February 28, 1997, coup traumatized ourselves and the July 15 coup attempt traumatized our children. Could these traumatized generations attempt to develop the country, build a civilization or challenge imperialism and capitalism? They can hardly do it anymore. Due to political instability, development is interrupted. In turn, his interruption creates transitional periods, wasting generations in a decade or so. What needs to be done is clear; we need to be politically stable and achieve continuity in development.

In his book “The Foundations of Civilization,” Will Durant insistently underscores the importance of a resolute state structure, political stability and economic order. Durant also expresses that religion and morality along with advanced scientific researches, literature and arts are indispensable elements of a civilization. It’s high time that we leave our traumas behind, achieve development and stability, and rebuild our civilization. The heinous July 15 coup attempt taught us that coups are history in this country. Nevertheless, the state should be equally distanced from either secular or religious organizations and should try to pull them towards legitimate grounds. Why? “Too much trust is too much indeed,” says Shakespeare.

On July 12, 2018, the SETA Foundation in Istanbul organized a symposium about the July 15 coup attempt.

Moderated by Burhanettin Duran, AK Party spokesperson Mahir Unal and former Justice Minister Bekir Bozdag attended the first panel.

Unal began his speech by stating that “We don’t need to look at literature to observe what happened on July 15 because it occurred during our lifetimes. We just have to analyze the events correctly.”

While the trials of Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO) members are still ongoing, Unal underlined that “When the two terms ‘FETO’ and ‘politics’ come together, we have to first assess the mission of Turkish politics.”

“Turkish politics cannot accept another organization or cloud above itself” – and this was something that FETO was trying to do; trying to place itself within a hegemonic space within the Turkish political sphere.

Flaws of the old system

During his speech, Unal emphasized the fact that the July 15 coup attempt cannot be observed without discussing the failures of the old governance system in Turkey.

He made this point by stating that “In 42 years, 36 governments changed.”

Comparing the governance system of Turkey to a car, Unal stated that under the old system there were two drivers – one that was elected by the people and one that assumed its hegemony. He stated that the old system was based on a tutelage regime, where elected officials were continuously blocked by unelected individuals.

Continuing, in his criticism of the old governmental system, Mahir Unal stated that every time the system gave an error, “we went to the people.” In reference to this, the AK Party spokesman said that “We [the AK Party] didn’t act with the power of the system for 16 years, but rather, with the power of politics.”

The people took control

Discussing the events that took place on the night of July 15, Unal stated that as soon as the Turkish people felt that the state was being overthrown, they “took to the streets and held on to the state with their bare hands.”

“The Turkish people did not shoot back at the putschists who fired at them. It was as if there was an invisible collective understanding of justice that night.”

Before finishing off his speech, the AK party spokesman underlined the importance of not comparing FETO to other terrorist organizations such as the PKK or Daesh. The reason for this being is because, as Unal stated, “FETO is a group that had infiltrated the state and wanted to take control of the space left free from the old tutelage regime.”

“FETO is a new type of terrorist organization, that doesn’t use guns. They operate in different ways. Unlike the PKK or Daesh, FETO can be analyzed as a smarter and sophisticated terrorist organization.”

July 15 in Parliament

Before beginning his speech, moderator Burhanettin Duran asked for former Justice Minister Bekir Bozdag to talk a little about his experience of July 15, as he is one of the figures that the Turkish people remember in Parliament.

Speaking little of the events that occurred in Parliament that night, Bozdag mentioned that the reason why he believed it was wrong for parliamentarians to hide in shelters (while FETO had dropped 2 bombs on Parliament that night) is because if people had seen that Parliament was shutdown, they would not have found the courage to take to the streets.

Following, Bozdag stated that “In order to understand July 15, we need to go back in time.” Giving reference to previous military coups that happened in Turkey, the former minister stated that “no one ever asked the question: what are you doing?”

There are two events that keep July 15 separate from previous military coups in Turkey. Bozdag listed these as 1) the fact that the putschists could not take hold of the President and 2) that the President chose to protect his and his country’s honor and that the Turkish people stood right behind him. This, Bozdag stated, was a “first for Turkish people.”

Bozdag compared the resistance displayed by Recep Tayyip Erdogan on that night to that displayed by Ataturk – the people of Anadolu stood with Ataturk, resisting against imperialists, just like the people stood with President Erdogan, resisting against FETO putschists.

One other important feature of July 15 is that “For the first time the justice system did not try to legitimize the coup” – something that occurred during the February 28, 1997, coup during the Erbakan era.

Wrapping up his speech, Bozdag asked the audience to think about one question: “What would have happened if the Turkish people had not answered the President’s call to take on the streets?”

In conclusion, Bozdag made statements appreciating the courage of President Erdogan that night, referring to how he flew to Ataturk Airport with his family, not knowing who was in control. Risking his and his family’s life, Bozdag criticized those that still call Erdogan a “dictator” when he “risked his own life for democracy’s sake.”

Ending the panel, Burhanettin Duran stated that “A new belief emerged within the Turkish people that people can resist against military coups and that they should do so. In fact, people were making references to Menderes stating that ‘we couldn’t take care of Menderes [who was hung after a military take over], but we will look after Erdogan.'”

The upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections in Turkey will be held on June 24 – during the state of emergency. The U.S., UN, and the Council of Europe issued criticisms and warnings to Turkey with regard to this situation. Heather Nauert, the U.S. Department of State Spokesperson, stated upon a question: “During a state of emergency, it would be difficult to hold a completely free, fair and transparent election in a manner that’s consistent with … Turkish law and also Turkey’s international obligations … We have concerns about their ability to hold it during this type of state of emergency.” Following this, the UN also warned Turkey that the elections during a state of emergency will not be reliable. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights called upon the Turkish government to lift the state of emergency to enable the credibility of the early elections. Meanwhile, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe and the European Parliament Spokesperson referred to Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights and pointed out that a state of emergency cannot be implemented based on assumptions or possibilities, but that the danger is required to be present or tangible.

In France, the latest presidential elections were held during a state of emergency since a total of 241 people were killed in Daesh attacks in France from January 2015 to the election date. During the first Daesh attack in the country on November 13, 2015, 130 people were killed, upon which France declared a state of emergency nationwide. Although a state of emergency can last a maximum of 12 days in the country under normal conditions, it was extended on November 20, 2015, one week after the attacks, for three months and again extended for the second time until July 26, 2016. Following another Daesh attack that killed 84 people in Nice on July 14, 2016, it was extended for another six months. So, the state of emergency in France, which was extended four times, was lifted on November 1, 2017 – 719 days after its declaration.

Then, the emergency rule became the “new normal.” With the new security law signed by President Emmanuel Macron, which entered into force on October 30, 2017 and will expire in 2020, four rules that were in effect during the state of emergency passed into law. The new law restrains the ones linked to terror groups from going outside of their residential areas and introduces judicial control to them on a daily basis. Such individuals are also banned from entering certain areas. Besides, as in the emergency rule, the investigating authorities are entitled to search houses according to the new security law.

Some 25 mosques were closed during the state of emergency, and the law also authorizes the relevant bodies to shut down places of worship where extremist ideas are propagated. The law also allows identity checks in border areas or within a 10 km radius of airports and international stations. French Interior Minister Gerard Collomb said during a speech he made at the national parliament, “We are still in a state of war,” adding that the threat level was still “very serious.” Collomb also remarked that around 20.000 people were blacklisted and the officials who are thought to have been radicalized would be discharged.

So, why did Turkey declare a state of emergency? Daesh attacks in the country started back in 2014. Between 2015 and July, 2016, a total of 1864 people, including civilians, police and military officers, were killed in the attacks of Daesh and the PKK terror group. Despite all, Turkey did not declare an emergency rule. On the night of July 15, 2016, however, the Gulenist Terror Group (FETO) and its operatives who infiltrated the state apparatuses of the country attempted to stage a military coup. They held the Chief of General Staff hostage, opened fire on the National Intelligence Unit headquarters, attacked Special Forces, and shelled the Parliament. People took to the streets all across the country to resist, remained on vigil in front of military posts and stood before tanks. 248 people were killed while 2.200 were wounded. Most of the wounded suffered loss of limb. Meanwhile, the PKK’s Syrian offshoot operated as the land force of the U.S., who is an ally of Turkey.

In the Ottoman Code of Civil Law (Mecelle), which was finalized in 1876, there is a rule: “Bad examples do not serve as models.” I recalled the French case in view of this rule. In proportion to the terror attacks in France, the 719-day long emergency state and the normalization of the emergency rule through new laws set a bad example to the world. On the other hand, what Turkey has gone through over the past years, including the threats posed by Daesh, PKK, FETO and various external factors, is incomparable to the incidents in France. In Turkey, the state of emergency was declared on July 16, 2016 on the grounds of Article 120 of the Turkish Constitution. And on April 19, the Turkish Parliament voted to extend it for the sixth time by July 22, 2018.

When the Russian Ambassador to Turkey Andrey Karlov was assassinated during an exhibition he attended in Ankara, many groups particularly in the Western media likened the incident to the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, the potential heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, which triggered World War I. They certainly have a point in drawing such an analogy since many similar assassinations throughout history brought about wars. Also, many claimed that the assassination would cause a serious tension in the volatile and incipient Moscow-Ankara alliance, which did not come out right.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed that the assassination of Karlov was motivated to diminish Turkey-Russia relations. On the night of the incident, both presidents stated that the assassination was a provocation aiming to hamper the normalization process in bilateral relations, adding that they agreed to form a joint committee on the subject. Upon that, a delegation consisting of 18 Russian officials visited Turkey to join the committee that investigated the murder. Putin said that the assassination is surely a provocation and they want to identify who instigated it. Russia bestowed a Hero of Russia honor on Karlov, who was appointed to Ankara three years before his death and endeavored to restore ties between the two countries during his term in office.

The perpetrator, who was obviously aware that he could not stay alive after shooting the ambassador in the art gallery, screamed: “Don’t forget Aleppo, don’t forget Syria” just after shooting Karlov. Police later killed him. The perpetrator, Mert Altıntas, was a 22-year-old policeman who had served in Ankara’s riot police unit. Although his profile did not give any clue about his affiliation to a terror group like Al-Nusra or Daesh, his possible links to these terror groups were investigated. Eventually, the data collected on his background and networks indicated that the hitman was a member of the Gulenist Terror Group (FETO). Although it is not easy for a foreigner to understand, another hint was unraveled which made it clear for Turkish people that it was another typical act of FETO. An episode of a TV series titled Nizama Adanmis Ruhlar (The Souls Devoted to the Order), which was aired in December 2014, on FETO-owned and now defunct STV channel, showed that a Russian Ambassador was assassinated in an art gallery, which is curiously identical to Karlov’s murder.

There were more findings, but they remained insufficient for the prosecutor. The investigation continued. The perpetrator’s PC hard disc was examined but it turned out that all his files were deleted. As part of the investigation Turkey and Russia conducted jointly, Russia asked to examine his PC with a different method, and eventually the deleted data were found. Among the data, the Russian delegation found that two files with the words “Fetullah Gulen,” the leader of FETO, 690 files with the word “Hizmet,” a term that literally means “service” which FETO calls itself, four files with “FETO”, and one file with “Nur Community” were deleted from his computer.

The delegation also searched for the words “Al Qaeda,” “Al Nusra,” and “Daesh” among the deleted files but found no results. Following the meetings held between the Russian delegation and the Ankara Chief Prosecutor’s Office, Ankara Public Prosecutor Adem Akinci, who ran the Turkish leg of the investigation, started the works to identify the FETO unit Altintas was affiliated with. It was found that the person Altintas was answerable to is a teacher who is currently jailed pending trial in Ankara as part of another FETO case. The prosecutor’s office issued an arrest warrant for the person considering his possibility of acquittal.

In a statement released on the subject, the prosecutor’s office expounded that Altintas was a FETO operative and that according to the findings the assassination was organized by FETO. According to the prosecutor’s office, FETO members planned the assassination in a way to show the hitman as an Al Qaeda member for several months before the incident.

The case file has been completed. Upon the demand of the Ankara Public Chief Prosecutor’s Office that has run the investigation on the assassination of Karlov on December 19, 2016, Ankara 2^ndCriminal Court of Peace issued arrest warrants for Fetullah Gulen, Serif Ali Tekalan, Cemal Karata, Cengiz Ozkan, Emrullah Uslu, Hamza Sevinc, Murat Tokay and Temel Alsancak for “pre-meditated murder” and “attempt to overthrow the constitutional order.”

Thus, another file has been conveyed to the U.S. as regard to the extradition of Gulen, who currently resides in Pennsylvania, U.S. As the U.S. intelligence service has not collapsed, they must certainly know about this international terror group leader who has been living in the U.S. for 18 years. For Russia, on the other hand, FETO has been labelled as a group “made in the U.S.,”  even when FETO was perceived as a “legitimate” group in Turkey. We will see what happens next.

On April 5, a shocking incident occurred at Osmangazi University in Turkey’s northwestern Eskisehir province. A research assistant in the Department of Education killed four staff members with whom he worked closely at the same university. After the incident, it was declared to the public that the ongoing dispute between the attacker and staff based on the FETO (Gulenist Terror Organization) investigation at the university might be one of the reasons for this mass killing.

Although the reason of this incident needs to be clarified after a detailed investigation, this event brought questions about the re-radicalization of the Gulenist terror cult to the forefront. After the July 15 coup attempt, a large number of members of this organization have been dismissed from public institutions and universities due to their links with FETO. As Deputy Prime Minister Bekir Bozdag stated last January, the number of personnel dismissed through statutory decrees is 107,174. Even though most members of this terrorist organization were passivized, the ongoing debates show that there is fear they could turn into the lone-wolf terrorist as in the case of Daesh sympathizers in Europe.

The collective group identity of FETO

To understand the probability of re-radicalization of its members, it is important to evaluate psychological dimensions of the collective group identity of FETO. The messianic structure of this organization creates a shared system of meaning and identity for the members of this terrorist organization as in other radical groups. After the coup attempt, the measures taken to break the connections between members created a significant hole in this shared system of meaning and identity.

Nonetheless, it is obvious that the members of this organization behave as if they still have high emotional salience attached to their group identity and try to show it through symbolic and ritual behaviors. For instance, the head of this terrorist organization, Fetullah Gulen, had an interview with Wall Street Journal a couple of days after the coup attempt. In the interview, he gave messages to FETO members via using symbols such as poems and photos.

The symbolic and ritual behaviors became the most common methods of keeping system of meaning and identity intact among the members after the coup attempt. A lot of these members who were prisoned made each other believe that the Prophet visits them in jail. They tried to convince themselves that they would soon be free. As prominent social psychologist Turner indicates, giving greater emotional weight to common elements, reinforcing them with an ideology of linked fate, and frequently overestimating within-group uniformity causes a glorified identity among the members of a group. This method, as clearly seen from the examples, is highly used to keep the salience of FETO as a group.

The re-radicalization steps

Although these kinds of measures were taken to consolidate the group identity of this organization, it should be reminded that it does not represent the real situation. The Gulenist criminal cult attacked civilian people on the night of July 15, 2016 and 249 people died and more than 1,400 were wounded. As they have no legitimation in the eyes of people, it is impossible to make their glorified aims come true. Some members of the organization faced with this reality in time and decided to become confessors. The rising numbers of confessors should be evaluated with the rising disappointment of FETO members. The disappointment of FETO members grew parallel to the fact that this glorification was far from reality. As a result, increasing frustration caused aggression among members to FETO.

Overall, even if there is a tendency to re-radicalize FETO, it is impossible for this illegitimate group to mobilize their members as they claimed. However, people should be ready for both the glorification and overestimation tactics of this group in their aim to manipulate society.

The Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office in Istanbul on Thursday issued arrest warrants for 121 suspected members of the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), according to a judicial source.

Among those being sought is Fatmanur Gulen, the niece of FETO leader Fethullah Gulen and Belkis Nur Tetik, the sister-in-law of Adil Oksuz, who is accused of being a mastermind of the 2016 defeated coup in Turkey.

So far, 33 suspects, including Fatmanur Gulen, have been arrested during Istanbul-based simultaneous operations across 29 provinces, the source, who spoke on condition of anonymity due to restrictions on talking to the media, said.

The search for other suspects remains ongoing, the source added.

FETO and its U.S.-based leader Gulen orchestrated the defeated coup of July 15, 2016, which martyred 250 people and injured nearly 2,200 others.

Ankara also accuses FETO of being behind a long-running campaign to overthrow the state through the infiltration of Turkish institutions, particularly the military, police and judiciary.

Source: AA 

On May 6, 2010, around midnight, a tape was released on the internet. It was a recording of intimacy between former Republican People’s Party (CHP) chairman Deniz Baykal, who had served for 18 years, and his then-assistant CHP deputy Nesrin Baytok. The tape shook the foundation of the CHP. At first it was asserted that the tape was fabricated. However, this claim was not enough. CHP youth gathered in front of Baykal’s house, set up tents and protests. On May 10, Baykal stated that he was resigning (with an implication that he may return one day). During his resignation, he claimed that the whole incident was a scheme that was carried out by the government and not by those in Pennsylvania (referring to FETO leader, Gulen).

Along with Kemal Kilicdaroglu, who had already announced that he would not run for chairmanship, Onder Sav, Baykal’s 53-yearlong brother-in-arm, visited Baykal at his house. Later on May 22, Kilicdaroglu announced his candidacy. Since that day, CHP was re-designed and became a party that was being guided by an invisible hand.

A year and a half later, one of CHP’s former deputy chairs, Onur Oymen, explained how the party was being re-designed. Stating that he found documents revealing that the scheme against Baykal was a “U.S.-backed operation,” Oymen spoke about a report that was relayed to him in early 2009. In a report focused on CHP prepared by an NGO called Silkroad Institute, it was stated that “Baykal will resign and Kilicdaroglu will replace him.”

As was later revealed through Wikileaks, former U.S. Ambassador to Ankara was sending similar reports to Washington, while Hilary Clinton was questioning whether this was possible and feasible in her letters to the U.S. Embassy in Ankara. With a clearly U.S.-based operation, a “more appealing chairman” was brought to lead CHP.

Then, we witnessed the media, and in particular Dogan Media Group, polishing and praising Kilicdaroglu. He was given many titles including, ‘Gandhi Kemal,’ ‘the Calm Power,’ ‘Man of the People,’ and others. Photos illustrating him with Deniz Gezmis’s famous parka were being hung on walls, while he himself utilized the slogan, “I’m Kemal from Dersim. I’m Kemal the revolutionary.”

CHP: repeat what is prompted

None of these developments were enough for CHP to win or to increase its vote in the 2011 elections. In fact, I don’t believe that this was the point at all. This re-shape of CHP had different aims. These aims became clearer when people ravaged private and public properties during the May 2013 Gezi Park protests and was revealed during the December 17-25 judicial coup attempt. Kilicdaroglu played montaged tapes that were acquired through illegal means in Parliament. The aim was clear: Erdogan was to be deposed, he would flee abroad and would be brought back for a trial.

Without questioning validity, the new CHP administration were voicing whatever they were being told. More, they also began to disregard legitimacy in certain events. For instance, their deputies did not recite the parliamentary oath after the 2015 elections. The CHP deliberately elected imprisoned people as their candidates, they did not recognize the result of the April 16 referendum and de-famed members of the judiciary when jurors decided against them. More, the party began to spread false news accusing the government of sending weapons to Daesh. They still propagate this claim. Regardless of being rebutted, another cheap lie CHP continues to use is that the AK Party has 120 deputies using ByLock (a mobile app used by FETO members), or the claim that Erdogan and his family have millions of dollars offshore in the Isle of Man.

The party administration also began to adopt an increasingly aggressive discourse as their lies were uncovered. After the results of the June 7 elections were announced and when the AK Party failed to form a government, CHP’s Gursel Tekin told the media that they were going to seize all “pro-AK Party media outlets,” and question businesspeople.

Moreover, the CHP had began to flirt with the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP). HDP Chair Demirtas and CHP’s Safak Pavey said “we shook them [the AK Party] good.” The same CHP also defamed the PKK’s armistice and demanded the trials of all prominent actors of the Reconciliation Process, including a trial of President Erdogan.

The real disaster occurred right after the July 15 coup attempt. Fleeing the airport with the allowance of the putschists and watching the coup attempt from his TV at home, Kilicdaroglu first claimed that the coup was a “theater play” and then asserted that it was a “controlled” coup attempt. Intriguingly, FETO militants also defined the coup attempt with the same words in the same order. Then Kilicdaroglu began talking about a “July 20” coup, in which he was referring to the announcement of the state of emergency aiming to eradicate all FETO elements within public institutions. In short, FETO prompted, and Kilicdaroglu voiced these on “legitimate platforms.”

Led by Kilicdaroglu, CHP’s “politics” based on lies and incitement continues to be the case nowadays. Last month, after a person attempted to immolate himself in front of Parliament, Kilicdaroglu said: “Why are you burning yourself in front of Parliament? Go and do that in front of the Presidential Palace. Then burn the Palace as well.”

During his parliamentary group meeting on January 16, Kilicdaroglu made a speech that accused the people who resisted the July 15 coup attempt. Referring to the statutory decree which rendered people who resisted the coup immune for their acts on the very night, Kilicdaroglu said the following: “They [AK Party] have lent immunity to civilians who resorted to violence. They have transferred the state’s power to extra-state militants.” Civilians who were targeted by tanks and military aircraft were labelled “militants” and their resistance was described “illegal.” Meanwhile, Kilicdaroglu defines soldiers who fired on civilians on the Bosporus Bridge as “innocent privates who were slaughtered.”

The CHP leader continues to talk slanderously about topics that are sensitive to people and in this respect, he is trying to legitimize the July 15 coup attempt and illegalize the successful resistance. Considering the fact that he is trying to protect certain individuals who have been arrested for being FETO members, Kilicdaroglu is seemingly trying to save the terrorist organization. His aims were the same when he visited closed-down media outlets that belonged to the terrorist organization. This should probably be considered normal for a person who is surrounded by FETO – his chief advisors and deputies have been arrested for collaborating with the group – and whose party employs the same “political” discourse as the organization.

An obstruction in Turkey’s development

Today CHP is becoming an increasingly radical opposition. Using the DHKP-C slogan, “Halkız, haklıyız, kazanacağız,” (“We are the people, we are just, and we will win”) and by appointing Canan Kaftancioglu – who praised the Gezi Park protests – as the Chair of CHP’s Istanbul Provincial Chapter are indicators of this. In my opinion, HDP is digging a tunnel into CHP. It is known that a significant number of CHP members are against HDP/PKK. Indeed, many loyal CHP supporters protested the election of Kaftancioglu.

For instance, referring to Kaftancioglu’s “I’m not a footman of Mustafa Kemal, but his comrade,” Umit Kocasakal, who announced his candidacy to CHP chairmanship said: “Those who have issues with the motto ‘we are the footman of Mustafa Kemal,’ with the unitary structure and those who praise the HDP cannot be part of Ataturk’s party.” Moreover, he accused Kaftancioglu with being the “footman of other powers.” He also added that a “foreign software” was installed to the party.

It is understood that CHP is trying to keep the anti-Erdogan bloc, which it continually attempts to stimulate, alive on the way to 2019. Undertaking the task of politically obstructing Turkey’s march towards a grand future, the CHP administration is bent on achieving their goal. They object to every project. They even objected to the Kanal Istanbul project when its route was announced.

More, CHP is seeking every opportunity to prevent Turkey from having a say in the future of the Middle East. Considering that Kilicdaroglu miraculously became the chair of CHP right before the beginning of the Syrian Civil War, this makes more sense. With the support of the former central media, the CHP bloc are discussing and making people discuss all kinds of matters that would consume most of the government’s energy. In this respect, they are trying to occupy the government in order to ensure that with these trivialities, Turkey would not have time to engage in Syria, Iraq and the wider region.

On the way to 2019, despite the discomfort that it creates among its voter base, Kilicdaroglu’s CHP will reintroduce old lies with new facets while adopting a more aggressive approach by increasing cooperation with radical leftist organizations and the HDP/PKK. Worse, they may attempt to ignite a sectarian conflict within Turkey. They may seek ways to enable a radicalized Alevi youth. In addition, they will definitely try to benefit from trials that are being conducted against Turkey in the U.S. and fabricated documents provided by FETO.

This strategy, which is doomed to fail, may slow down Turkey’s march. However, will never halt it. It will be CHP’s one-way ticket to marginalization.

Relations between Turkey and Europe were already strained and policies adopted by several European countries in regards to the July 15 coup attempt led to more of a crisis between Ankara and the western bloc. Although European countries criticize Turkey on democracy, they did not openly side with democracy throughout the July 15 incidents, which gave the impression that they covertly supported the coup attempt. The bloc’s negative attitude towards the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government, which was subjected to the coup attempt, continued throughout 2016. EU member states issued diatribes to the declaration of an emergency state and steps taken by the government to purge the putschist Gulenist Terror Group (FETO) operatives from public institutions. At the end of this tense period, the European Parliament called for the accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union to be suspended on November 24, 2016. The tension Turkey had particularly with Germany, Austria and the Netherlands reached its peak when Turkish ministers were prevented from attending meetings scheduled in these countries as part of the April 16 referendum campaign.

Trying to reason anti-Turkey policies in Germany

Another development that hindered Ankara’s relations with Brussels was the anti-Turkey propaganda utilized by far-right parties as part of their national election campaigns in the Netherlands, Germany and Austria. Alarmed by the rise of far-right and xenophobic parties in these countries, center parties embraced the arguments of the far-right, employed anti-refugee and Islamophobic rhetoric in their election campaigns and vowed to adopt a harsher stance against Turkey so as not to lose their voter base. These states protected FETO operatives who pose a serious threat to Turkey’s national security and condoned the PKK, which led Ankara to issue severe criticisms to these countries. More, smear campaigns conducted against the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in the European media were regarded as disrespect to the democratic will of the Turkish people, and was interpreted as another indication of the bloc’s attempt to interfere in Turkey’s domestic affairs.

Known as Germany’s “backyard” in the EU, both Austria and the Netherlands form a bloc together with Germany, which troubles Turkey-European Union relations.

The fact that Germany, which among European countries has the closest ties with Turkey, and Austria and the Netherlands, known as Germany’s “backyard” in the EU are the leading countries of the bloc that have troubled relations between the two parties, signifies that the main source of the problem is a struggle for influence.

Having a substantial population of Turkish descent and being Turkey’s largest trade partner, Germany has always tried to interfere with Ankara’s policies through various means. This has included supporting the PKK, or using the EU accession negotiations and the issue of economic aid as threats. Over the past years, Berlin began to lose the chance to interfere with Turkey’s domestic polity due to the AK Party’s pro-independence policies. Relations between the two countries reached a new low when Germany supported the July 15 coup attempt and opposed to the April 16 referendum. While the anti-Turkey left in Germany ran propaganda against the AK Party government, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) slammed Chancellor Angela Merkel for the refugee agreement signed with Turkey. This led to the German government to adopt stricter policies against Ankara.

Turkey’s convergence with the United Kingdom, France and Italy

Alongside these problems confronted in relations between Turkey and Germany, the Ankara administration leaned towards other European actors with whom more rational relations could be established. In an attempt to diversify its foreign policy, the government took steps to liberate Turkey’s relations with Europe from the monopoly of the EU and Germany. In this scope, Turkey took a number of steps to improve relations with the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Spain and eastern European countries, especially in economic terms.

The main factors that played a role in helping to improve relations with the U.K. included Brexit, Donald Trump’s election as the U.S. President and the focus on economic cooperation in foreign policy. As Brexit is expected to cost a high price, London set off a quest to compensate this cost with alternative partnerships, and looked for a way to develop closer relations with Turkey within this framework. As Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim expressed during the visit he paid to London to attend the Somali Conference held in May 2017, unlike other European countries, the U.K. displayed overt support to Turkey during the July 15 coup attempt. This nevertheless has been a factor that accelerated the convergence between Theresa May’s government and Ankara.

In an attempt to diversify its foreign policy, Ankara took steps to liberate Turkey’s relations with Europe from the monopoly of the EU and Germany and tried to improve relations with the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Spain and eastern European countries.

With the election of Trump, who utters unfavorable comments on the European allies of NATO and has adopted the slogan “America first,” the British government is aware that it can no longer rely on the U.S. administration – especially when in the midst of the Brexit process. Departing from the EU and keeping its distance from the U.S, in its search for new partners to balance its foreign policy, the U.K. made a rational choice by cooperating with Turkey. As for Ankara, cooperation with the U.K. is of major importance especially in the field of defense, since Turkey has recently had problems in purchasing military equipment from the U.S. and other European countries such as Germany and Austria.

During Theresa May’s visit to Turkey in January 2017, the British BAE Systems and Turkish Aerospace Industries, Inc. (TAI) signed an agreement as a first step towards co-producing fighter jets, which on the Turkish side reflected an improvement of relations with London while confronting other problems in the west. Within the agreement that is worth $125 million, BAE Systems agreed to offer service in designing and developing Turkey’s national TF-X fighter jet and to transfer technologies to Turkish engineers. The production of the first prototype of TF-X jets is set to be complete by 2023. A total of 250 jets are planned to be produced for $7 billion.

In addition to the U.K., Turkey signed other significant air defense agreements with France and Italy. During President Erdogan’s visit to France on January 5, 2018, an agreement for the co-production of SAMP-T air defense systems was signed between the French-Italian consortium Eurosam and Turkey’s Aselsan and Roketsan. With this agreement, Turkey made it clear that it does not intend to remain dependent on a single country in the field of defense, and that Ankara aims to diversify its security and foreign policies by procuring similar weapon systems from its European allies in addition to the S-400 air defense systems purchased from Russia. During the abovementioned visit, Turkish Airlines also signed an agreement to purchase a total of 25 Airbus A350-900 planes.

Anti-Turkey sentiments are dissolving in Europe

Having minimized problems with the U.K. and France due to partnerships in economy and defense, the Turkish administration has also endeavored to disperse anti-Turkey sentiments created in Europe by Germany and others by taking steps towards improving its relations with Italy, Spain and eastern European EU members. The opposition to the predominance of Germany in the EU by countries such as Italy, Poland and Hungary catalyzed Turkey’s developing ties with these countries. Member states who wish to decrease their dependency on Germany within the EU have not abstained from answering Ankara’s call for cooperation since they regard developing economic relations with Turkey as part of the steps to be taken in this respect.

To restore relations, Berlin needs to give up on regarding Ankara within its own domain of influence and must not allow the anti-Turkey left diaspora in Germany to monopolize the country’s policies on Turkey.

Taking considerable steps with regard to developing relations with European countries, Turkey has repeatedly underlined that it wishes to establish rational relations with Germany on the basis of mutual respect to each other’s sovereignty and cooperation in counter-terrorism. The latest friendly meetings between the foreign ministers of the two countries indicated that the tension between Ankara and Berlin might soon come to an end. In terms of its relations with Turkey, Germany does not wish to remain isolated in Europe with only a few allies such as Austria and the Netherlands. To that end, the country does not want to keep relations strained since other European countries are gradually improving their ties with Ankara. However, in order to restore relations, Berlin needs to give up on regarding Ankara within its own domain of influence and must not allow the anti-Turkey left diaspora in Germany to monopolize the country’s policies on Turkey.

Operation Olive Branch and Europe

Operation Olive Branch kicked off by Turkey against the PKK/YPG deployed in Afrin has been an important test for the European countries wishing to establish rational relations with Ankara. It must be underlined that the European countries that have not so far acted in solidarity with Ankara in its fight against terrorism have faced a serious quandary during Operation Olive Branch. On one hand they assume that the economic relations, which they seek to restore with Turkey, will be undermined if they adopt a policy in favor of the YPG and the PKK. On the other, governments are concerned that if they side with Ankara’s intervention, they will face the pressure of PKK lobbies in the media and political circles of their countries.

Hesitant behavior displayed by European countries with regard to the terror groups that target Turkey illustrates the fact that they still side with the YPG and the PKK during the Afrin operation.

If European states had supported Turkey during the operation, they would have had a chance to restore strained relations with Ankara due to their policies in the aftermath of the July 15 coup attempt. In this way, they could have also prevented the convergence between Turkey and Russia. Some people in Europe defend this view while others regard the Afrin operation as a new opportunity to attack and slam Turkey. Although the Turkish Armed Forces have taken all measures to prevent any harm to civilians, circles claiming that Turkey is violating human rights in the operation with the weapons provided by EU countries are trying to put pressure on European governments.

Despite all these pressures, statements issued by the British and Dutch foreign ministers explicitly underlined Turkey’s right to ensure self-defense and border security, which were read as covert support to Operation Olive Branch. Contrary to this, German and French officials criticized Turkey due to the pressures of PKK proponents and anti-Turkish lobbies in their countries. However, the criticisms issued are much more tepid than expected, which can be seen as an indication of their reluctance to escalate tensions with Turkey.

Nevertheless, hesitant behavior displayed by European countries with regard to the terror groups that target Turkey illustrates the fact that they can still take sides against Ankara and side with the YPG and the PKK during the Afrin operation.

During a meeting with Turkish expats in Los Angeles on Saturday, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu made comments on the fight against the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), Turkey-U.S. relations and the Syrian crisis.

Cavusoglu criticized the Trump administration in their stance towards FETO, urging the U.S. to see the “true color” of the terror group.

Underlining that Ankara has since the July 15 coup attempt in 2016 made it clear that it did not receive the satisfactory support for its allies – especially from the U.S. – FM Cavusoglu stated that “I hope the U.S. understands it someday.”

The Turkish administration has consistently called for the extradition of the FETO leader, Fetullah Gulen, who is still residing in the U.S. Regardless of the fact that the Ministry of Justice completed all paperwork, including evidence that Fetullah Gulen was the main orchestrator of the failed coup attempt, Washington has refused to hand over the coup leader.

In response to these developments, FM Cavusoglu re-emphasized that neither an extradition nor an investigation has been launched by the U.S.

The July 15 coup attempt left 250 martyred and nearly 2,200 injured.

FETO is not only accepted to be the group behind the July 15 coup attempt, but it is also acknowledged that the group has infiltrated many state institutions, with the aim to overthrow the government. The group has a major alliance and network with many different groups across the world.

Turkey-U.S. relations

During his speech Foreign Minister Cavusoglu described the U.S. as one of Turkey’s most important allies.

“There may be some disagreements on some issues, but there has been a tension [recently] in our relations because the issues of FETO and the U.S. arming of the PYD.”

“We are trying to overcome them through dialogue,” Cavusoglu added.

Turkey-U.S. relations had seen a standstill during 2017, as the visa crisis that erupted between the two countries occurred for the first time in their diplomatic history. The failure of the U.S. to support Ankara’s fight against FETO and the continuous military supplies to the PKK’s Syrian offshoot, YPG/PYD, have remained as core problems in relations.

Syria crisis

While Turkey insists that the Syrian crisis should be solved by paying attention to the Geneva, Astana and Sochi processes, Washington has remained arming a terrorist organization in order to fight against another (DAESH).

The YPG/PYD remains a dominant national security threat to Turkey as the PKK terrorist organization has – for over 30 years – been in war against the Turkish state.

In regards to recent developments made through the Astana talks and Sochi process, Mevlut Cavusoglu, noting that the situation is still “not totally good,” stated that “It is impossible [to be totally good] without a political solution and without bringing stability to Syria, but we are going well.”

The FM added that Turkey is “focused on the political process” and that Ankara is “playing a leading role.”

Turkey has been one of the most affected of the Syrian Civil War as the country is currently home to approximately 3.5 million Syrian refugees.

Cavusoglu is expected to leave Los Angeles on Saturday and head to Canada, where he will attend an international foreign ministers meeting on North Korea.

The FM is also expected to meet with U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson during this event.

It all began in April 2013 with a letter written by an effective group of members in the US House of Representatives to former US Secretary of State John Kerry and the US Secretary of Treasury Jack Lew. The letter, which mostly bared the signatures of the opposing republicans, stated that Turkey had violated sanctions the US had imposed on Iran. Approximately seven months later, when police officers linked to the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO) initiated a “judicial coup” attempt on December 17 to overthrow the Turkish government, there was a US management that followed the case closely behind the scenes. The authorities from the US, who wanted to be kept anonymous at the time, stated that they had warned Turkey about the Iranian businessman Reza Zarrab. One of them had stated the following during an exclusive interview to a well-known newspaper:

“If cargo planes are carrying tons of gold, this cannot go unnoticed by customs officials or the state. We had clear evidence that the embargo imposed on Iran was infiltrated through this trade. We had informed both Halkbank and the Financial Crimes Investigation Board.”

This was how the operation that resulted in the request for a warrant issue to the former minister of economy Zafer Caglayan in the US started. This operation was not only used to interfere with the internal affairs of Turkey, but also as a means to defame Turkey internationally. So how did we come to this stage and what do these accusations in the case against the Turkish people by the US mean? To answer these questions, we have to go back a bit. According to the December 17 summary, the police probe based on “corruption” led by Gulenist criminal cult members at the time, started in 2012. Currently, it is not possible to determine whether FETO informed the US on the Zarrab case, or whether the US warned the police, who constantly gave briefings at the Ankara Embassy. But what we do know for sure is that the US was aware and very uncomfortable that Turkey paid Iran for the natural gas trade in gold.

While the sanctions imposed on Iran are merely a product of the US legal system, US hegemony in international finance allows the country to bring others under its own judicial judgements. The main reason for this notion is the authority the US Congress has granted the US president and its judiciary for the last 30 years. On December 11, 2011, the US congress allowed the government to apply sanctions to any persons, banks, or organizations that have a financial relation with Iran for natural gas and petroleum with the clauses in the Budget Control Act. Other laws and presidential decrees implemented in 2012 and 2013 increased these authorities. As a result, a list of all the banks, companies and organizations in Iran were published in order to ban trade relations with the country. It is important to note that this ban has no basis in international law and has not been approved by the UN Security Council.

A new accusation against Caglayan

Zafer Caglayan’s name was first added to the Reza Zarrab case, which has been continuing since last March, on September 6. Caglayan’s statement regarding continuing trade with Iran was also included in the abovementioned letter written by the US Congress. This means that Zafer Caglayan had been in the radar for some time. This year in March, the deputy general manager of Halkbank Mehmet Hakan Atilla was arrested in the airport while leaving the US, which he had visited on many occasions in the past.

Firstly, it is important to emphasize that the Reza Zarrab case is based on the violation of a law enforced by the US to the rest of the world. The issue here is not corruption, in fact the US does not take that issue into account. The prevailing opinion of those that are following the case in the US is that the US government was aware of Halkbank’s defiance of the sanctions and have been monitoring them ever since. It is possible that FETO members have provided the FBI and former Southern District of New York Prosecutor Preet Bharara with all the documents and information after December 17, 2013. What we understand from the aftermath of the judicial process of the Zarrab accusation, which was confirmed by the Grand Jury in December 2011, is that the December 17 case is one of the essential elements in Bharara’s investigation. In fact, Bharara presented the recordings and statements in this document as corroborating evidence to the court during the trials. It was his former boss and Democrat Senator Chuck Schumer who referred Bhrara for this position. Schumer, is known for receiving millions of dollars from FETO-linked institutions and persons. He is also a popular figure in FETO’s umbrella organization in Washington, the Turkish American Association. Currently Schumer has taken over one of the most important political positions by being the leader of the Democrats in the Senate.

If we are to analyze from this framework, then we have to point out Richard Berman, who is the judge looking at the case. Berman had criticized the discontinuation of the December 17 operation whilst participating in an international conference organized by FETO-linked law firm Yuksel-Karkin-Kucuk. During the symposium he gave an interview to the FETO-linked media agency Cihan News agency and blamed the current President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who was prime minister at the time, for not respecting the constitution. He also stated that the Turkish government’s intervention was “changing the rules of a game while it is being played.”  This judge who has been making partial accusations since 2014, has been looking at the Zarrab and Caglayan case from the beginning. We have yet to understand why a recusal has not been made to the judge who stated that Zarrab’s defense group went to Istanbul in the first session.

What does the prosecution office say?

Zarrab’s team has constantly been emphasizing that this trade relation has nothing to do with the US. Zarrab is not a US citizen and the money transfers have not been taking place in the US. Thus, the argument that this has nothing to do with US is put forward. The FBI and prosecution office, which have both investigated claims in the December 17 case in their own means, refuse these claims put forth by the defendant. The prosecution office, which has been stating that they have several evidence of money transfers, have finally included some of them in the new accusation that includes Caglayan. According to the prosecution office, Zarrab and his team use the money they gain from the gold export in the US financial system to make payments to the state of Iran. The prosecution also alleges that acquisitions for basic Iranian needs, which are not part of the US sanctions, are used to cover up the actual money transfers, suggesting that money was transferred to Iran by providing access to the international financial system through fraudulent documents.

The main problem here is that Zarrab used the US banks as informants during these transfers and most of these transfers were intervened because of suspicion. Hence, the Turkish-Iranian businessman is not only accused of going against the sanctions by continuing his trade deals with Iran despite the warnings, but also money laundering and deceiving the US banking system. The accusation states that these took place within the knowledge of “high-ranking Turkish officials” and Zafer Caglayan. Therefore, the trade between the Republic of Turkey and Iran is considered a crime.

Of course, in this accusation Zarrab is only a means and is part of the many other financial transactions that do not have anything to do with trade between Turkey and Iran. This is why the prosecution office refuse the argument made by Zarrab and his lawyers that this is “not the US’s business,” since they believe that they have evidence proving that Zarrab and his team used the US financial system and banks in order to make business transactions with Iran with dollars. What is more, they also claim that the complex financial movements that took place during these transactions were methods to deceive the US banking system.

What will happen?

Despite Turkey’s objections the case will continue in the US. It is not surprising to see that Zarrab has changed his statements in November when the jury trials start. This is normal since there is the possibility that Zarrab and other detainees could be sentenced to prison for a long period of time and thus, would try to negotiate with the prosecutors. Sources state that the prosecution office had previously sent an arrest warrant to the EU for more than 150 people. Although, the exact number is uncertain, most of them are the same names that FETO placed in the December 17 files.

It is unlikely that Turkey will manage to terminate this case, which they consider as interference to their sovereignty, by pressuring the Trump management since they are already struggling with their own affairs including the Department of Justice investigation and the harsh media criticism that limit their area of work. It is almost impossible for Trump to interfere with an ongoing case. However, he does have the authority to forgive those who have been charged once the case ends. Another way out can be through mutual agreement. But this is also unlikely given the state of relationship between the two countries.

The German political party landscape may for sure be undergoing seismic changes but it seems fair to ascertain that they are far from any shift of a tectonic nature at least as of yet. Granted, some additional post-election fault lines are clearly visible and in particular so as a far-right movement – Alternative für Deutschland, (AfD) – entered the Bundestag for the first time. There are others, for instance, it is very untypical for Germans to spend eight weeks trying to form a coalition government without anything coming out of it.

SPD U-turn would be logical, but will it happen?

When Martin Schulz, in his capacity as a leading candidate and party chairman of the Social Democrat Party (SPD), declared on September 24, 2017 that the SPD would not be willing to continue the grand coalition with the Christian Democrat Union/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU) many observers were surprised. Seldom do party leaders refuse to join a potential coalition or government before they were even asked. His argument and justification for his refusal on pursuing a coalition was that the grand coalition was voted out by the public. Yet mathematically it had a majority. It was only a matter of time until the party’s influential center-right Seeheim Circle would knock on Schulz’s door to ask for a reconsideration of his decision.

Then the ‘Jamaica’ talks began, which aimed at forming a coalition out of the CDU/CSU, the Green Party and the Free Democrat Party (FDP). Now this option was shelved for good by the FDP just over a week ago – although I dare say other parties could have pulled the negotiating chair away from the table at a later stage, too.

Originally after the election, only three subsequent scenarios were legally possible: Chancellor Merkel who, albeit in an acting role only still the chancellor, could ask the Bundestag to be elected with a simple majority in a third round of voting and as long as President Frank-Walter Steinmeier would approve she could form a minority government. Alternatively, after a similar parliamentary voting protocol and in the case of no government being ready to take control, the president would dissolve parliament and snap elections would be called upon within a maximum time-frame of 60 days. Finally, a remake of the current grand coalition could be agreed upon leading to an absolute majority of whoever is presented as chancellor and thus automatically being approved by the president.

At first the SPD once more categorically ruled out the latter option. Actually, so did Mrs. Merkel, who said that after all she heard from the SPD, snap elections would be her favorite solution. After the president spoke with party leaders and following Thursday’s meeting with Mr. Schulz and a night marathon at SPD headquarters, it became obvious that at least the above mentioned Seeheim Circle of the SPD is up for a U-turn. Only late night Sunday 26 November, 2017 did the CDU/CSU do the same, rejecting snap elections and asking the SPD to consider coalition talks. Thus as it stands, whilst penning this article, a continuation of the grand coalition has at least become a viable solution once more.

But some SPD members are now hinting at the possibility of a fourth option, untried, but technically speaking, legally possible: forming a type of cooperative government short of a formal coalition agreement, where two or more parties agree on an issue-by-issue basis about policy.

Yet knowing German politics for a fair number of years if there is one thing most voters and politicians dislike, it is instability. Both a minority government, as well as the SPD’s fourth way would promise exactly that.

Is anything going to change for the three million + citizens of Turkish background?

Let us assume for the purpose of this short analysis that Germany opts for what is assumed to be a stable government. The good news is that as status quo oriented by nature any grand coalition would be, it does not seem unlikely that such a CDU/CSU-SPD re-run would become a policy initiator instead of merely a policy administrator, as there are many hot issues that need urgent attention: Europe, energy, education and immigration to only name a few. As the AfD is poised to continue to play the anti-immigrant card and as imitating right-wing rhetoric did not lead to a huge bonus at the ballot box for more center based parties, this time round one should expect a more welcoming set of policies towards, in particular, the just over three million citizens of Turkish background living in Germany.

Adopting anti-multicultural and anti-integration rhetoric will only make extreme movements even stronger in the long run, as ultimately voters tend to prefer ‘the real thing.’

Deep down both the CDU/CSU and SPD will have realized that misusing an entire nation as focus of unfair negativity – which is what had happened with Turkey during the run-up to the 24 September vote – was completely wrong and put citizens of Turkish origin into a very difficult, if not outright dangerous, situation. After all, if a government declares a country no longer welcome, how would you feel living in that same country being of that very nation’s origin?

A modest suggestion would be catching votes by employing negative rhetoric vis-à-vis Turkey out, winning votes by sidelining extremists in – that could be a logical way forward.

Grand coalition – only route to stability

Good bi-lateral contacts rely on sound policies between two nations’ leaders, mutual trust between their business communities and of course amicable relations between both populations. The Turkish government, her businessmen, businesswomen and her citizens were and are ready. Ever since early, Turkey has become an outward looking, enterprising, and a successful nation in the last one and a half decades. Ankara rightly complained when the German response to this outreach was to put it mildly, not always visible.

Not fully grasping the struggle against heinous criminals who aimed at destroying Turkish democracy by means of a military coup attempt on July 15, 2016 is one point. Turning the back on Turkish leaders who wish to meet their fellow citizens on German soil, another. Moreover, it is disappointing to watch such a model democratic nation as Germany – and in particular so having learned from history, for example the threats domestic anti-democratic movements and individuals can pose to herself before and during World War II, as well as during the later Red Army Faction terror campaign – that right after the July 15 coup attempt until this very day members of the Fetullah Gulen inspired criminal cult have found refuge in Germany. It would be a timely gesture for Berlin to reconsider Ankara’s very real concerns.

If we then pair this with what I label a totally non-logic, and non-understandable personal expression of hate against the Turkish president, which in some instances, for example the Green Party under Mr. Özdemir, went so far as to say no EU membership talks as long as President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is in power, which is a direct interference in Turkey’s domestic politics by inciting hatred in society, the picture looked not promising at all.

However, every winter is followed by a new spring and summer. A grand coalition composed of seasoned politicians from both German mainstream political movements is the best bet to achieve exactly that. High-level political dialogue meetings should precede more direct investments by German companies. Turkish exports into Germany could then rise further, which would lead to an increase in two-way tourism levels.

If the grand coalition is established and if it takes into consideration Ankara’s on-going willingness to cooperate more closely with Berlin, and thus materializes this opportunity, the German business community as well as her citizens will benefit from this to a great deal. As for Germany herself, it seems that any alternative scenario other than such a grand coalition would apparently force the country into a prolonged state of political crisis.

As the series of trials continue in Turkish courts, a court in Izmir sentenced the lawyer of Fetullah Gulen, the criminal cult leader of Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), to 12 years in prison. The lawyer Feti Ün was slapped a sentence of eight years in jail initially, but it has now been increased to 12 years in accordance to the Counterterror Act.

Following last year’s failed coup attempt by FETO, the Turkish government and security agencies have taken a range of steps to weed the terrorist elements out of different social, education and security institutions.

Although Gulen himself is based in the United States, his vast network is spread across the world, but its form had been strongest in Turkey. By tacking a wide range of steps, the Turkish government is working to prevent future attacks on the Turkish state.

The lawyer’s sentencing coincided with many other trials in which a number of policemen and soldiers were sentenced for coup related criminal charges and their links with FETO.

A Konya court sentenced six former police officers and the former assistant police director of Konya’s Aksehir district and a former security chief, separately. The sentences range from six years and 10 months to seven years and six months over FETO links.

A Samsun court also jailed a former doctor to six years and three months in prison for being members of an armed terrorist organization.

Meanwhile, eight of 36 suspects on trial concerning Turkey’s Central Bank staff in Ankara were released under judicial control.

Although the country paid a heavy price for resisting the July 15, 2016- coup attempt, that left 250 people martyred and some 2,200 injured, Turkey is expected to emerge stronger as the government takes on all the associated elements strongly.

*Written by Waseem Ahad. 

When Turkey sent 40 of its soldiers to participate in the drills at NATO’s Joint Warfare Centre in Stavanger, Norway, what they were to find at the site was what Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan called an attack on “Turkey and the Turkish nation.”

Described as a “scandal” by the Turkish government administration in a series of furious comments, President Erdogan was depicted as an “enemy collaborator” and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the Turkish Republic, was shown on a “hostile leader list” during a computer-assisted exercise.

“They (NATO) carried out a scandal. They know that they cannot stop our country, which is why they are putting us on a target board. I hope that those who welcomed attacks against us before now understand the real face of the matter, as Ataturk was also included,” Erdogan told a ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) provincial congress in the eastern province of Bayburt.

The scandal has left entire NATO top brass red-faced, with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg posting back to back apologies: “I have been informed about the offence caused in a recently concluded exercise at NATO’s Joint Warfare Centre in Stavanger, Norway. I apologize for the offense that has been caused. The incidents were the result of an individual’s actions and do not reflect the views of NATO.”

The Norwegian national believed to be behind the incident was “immediately removed from the exercise by the Joint Warfare Centre, and an investigation is underway. He was a civilian contractor seconded by Norway and not a NATO employee. It will be for the Norwegian authorities to decide on any disciplinary action. NATO has been in contact with the Norwegian authorities on this issue,” he said.

Norwegian Defense Minister Frank Bakke-Jensen also apologized for the incident. “The message does not reflect Norway’s views or policies and I apologize for the content of the message. Turkey is an important ally in NATO, and we value our good cooperation,” Bakke-Jensen said in a statement.

But it seems this time NATO is going to find it difficult to sooth the ally which has been long complaining of discriminatory treatment by the Western dominated military alliance. Turkey withdrew all its officers from the Trident Javelin exercise in Norway on Friday. All Turkish political parties have united to continue their protests. Turkey called for a proper investigation into the incident. EU Affairs Minister Omer Celik on Sunday called on the NATO authorities to investigate the chain of command involved in the drill.

Celik, on his visit to Canada, while speaking during the 9th annual Halifax International Security Forum in Canada, said the commander under whom the Norwegian civilian worked must also be investigated. He wondered if NATO has any “chain of command.” “Does he (the civilian contracted person) not have a commander?” he asked, suggesting that the entire command should be investigated and necessary steps be taken.

Turkish military chief Gen. Hulusi Akar also spoke during the event and underlined that Turkey’s alliance with NATO should not be undermined. Praising NATO as the “most successful and most effective” military organization that has existed throughout history, Akar referred to the incident in Norway as: “Recently, in one of the NATO exercises we had an unpleasant and unacceptable event, reportedly committed by an individual who may be backed by (Fetullah Terrorist Organization) FETO members.”

*Written by Waseem Ahad.

The Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), which orchestrated the July 15 coup attempt that martyred 250 people and left nearly 2,200 injured, has also infiltrated various state institutions including ministries, schools and hospitals.

While Turkey is fighting against the criminal cult group at home, the group has a concrete diaspora abroad.

In regards to the fugitive members of FETO who are seeking safety abroad, deputy head of the Turkish parliament’s Human Rights Committee stated that they will be left “stateless.”

Speaking to the Anadolu Agency, Fatma Benli stated that “the FETO traitors who think that they are free abroad will be faced with the harsh realities of being left stateless.”

Stressing the importance of Turkey’s fight against FETO, Benli underlined that “Turkey is actually protecting the region and the world from these organizations while fighting the PKK, Daesh, and FETO.”

“The states backing Turkey in this fight are actually providing for their own security.”

In regards to states granting asylum to FETO terrorists, Benli urged for states to stop supporting FETO members in their countries and called on European countries and the US to carry out a joint fight against the terror group.

The deputy also warned that decisions made by some countries to harbor the criminal cult members will come back to bite them: “The states which are backing FETO should see that those who have betrayed their own country will one day betray them.”

While Ankara has been seeking the extradition of the criminal cult leader Fetullah Gulen, who is currently residing in the US, Turkey has also requested for the government in Germany to return FETO suspects who have sought asylum there.

http://thenewturkey.org/feto-and-its-role-in-stoking-the-kurdish-issue/

Turkey will not be brought to its knees

Speaking in Ankara, Prime Minister Binali Yildirim also made reference to FETO in his speech.

Yildirim claimed that FETO was trying “new tricks” in order to finish what they failed on July 15.

“Those who could not bring Turkey to its knees during July 15, are now trying to pull another trick.”

“They are saying: ‘How can we finish the job we attempted to do on July 15?’ They think that they can bring our nation to its knees with economic crisis talks, and chaos scenarios.”

The Prime Minister emphasized that “nobody, no power, can hurt this country when our nation has this love for its land and state.”

According to information from a Turkish judicial official, the European Court of Human Rights has rejected around 25,000 applications from Turkish nationals, all related to last year’s coup attempt.

The court declined to hear the cases on the grounds that the applicants had failed to exhaust judicial procedures in Turkey.

Thousands of people across Turkey have been arrested or dismissed from their jobs over links to the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), which staged last year’s bloody coup attempt, which left 250 people martyred and nearly 2,200 injured.

It was also added that the curt referred to this procedure in its rejection of cases.

For the first time Turkish government has openly reflected on why the current prolonged tension continue to disturb the two longtime allies: Turkey and the US. Of all the issues, the lack of response on behalf of the US administration in regards to calls from Turkey to extradite the criminal cult leader, Fetullah Gulen, stands as the most sensitive.

In an exclusive interview with CNN’s prominent host, Fareed Zakaria, Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim said despite providing “enormous documentary evidence” on the involvement of FETO in last year’s deadly coup attempt in Turkey, since one and a half years no significant response has come from the US government on this issue.

Responding to the US government’s suspicion that the evidence provided by Turkey on Gulen was scarce, Prime Minister bluntly said, “When 9/11 attacks happened in the US, Bush said al-Qaeda did it and we did not ask for evidence. Nobody asked. Turkey was the first country to offer help and send our army to Afghanistan.”

Referring to the former US national security advisor, Michael Flynn’s public call for support to “our ally Turkey” last year, Yildirim said even Flynn did not provide any assurance to Turkey about Gulen’s extradition.

The prime minister insisted that the propaganda against Turkey on weakening democracy, civil liberties, freedom of press, weak protection for press and opposition was mere “perception rather than reality.”

On the operation against the so-called “independent” journalists and experts who are fleeing the country, Yildirim said this was mostly related to FETO, as the criminal cult had inserted its people into Turkey’s judicial system, bureaucracy, army, civil society and business community to remove the government and rule the country undemocratically.

Since last year’s failed coup attempt in Turkey, the relations between Turkey and US have witnessed a steep downfall after one issue followed the other. As Turkey described the coup attempt, which was resisted massively by Turkish citizens — sacrificing more than 250 lives and hundreds injured — its own 9/11, it found a lukewarm response and “inadequate condemnation” from the lifelong Western allies, the US most importantly. Things changed for the worst as the US unexpectedly saw rightwing leader Donald Trump win elections.

When Turkey called for the extradition of the US-based criminal cult leader Fetullah Gulen, who was behind the coup attempt, unsurprisingly the demand was not met. Under the motive of fighting against DAESH, very recently the US government has provided weapons to the YPG/PYD, the sister wings of the PKK – a serious security threat for the country. The move was another blow to the relations. Lastly, Turkey’s arrest of a Turkish staffer at the US embassy, who had links to FETO, has triggered a visa row between the two countries. Turkish Prime Minister’s recent visit to the US is expected to bring a long needed pause in the downfall of the relations.

During his visit to the US, before his meeting with Vice President Mike Pence, Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim visited the Diyanet Center of America (DCA), also known as the Turkish-American Community Center and Mosque Complex in Lanham, Maryland.

During his speech at the venue, the prime minister warned attendees about the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), which staged the coup attempt last year.

Emphasizing that there is no difference between Daesh and FETO, the prime minister added that both groups flout the sacred values of Islam, threatening peace in Muslim countries across the world.

The PM denounced FETO leader Fetullah Gulen, who is still living in the US, stating that he has corrupted and fooled many Muslims by presenting himself as a so-called “moderate Muslim.”

“The leader of the Fetullah Terrorist Organization is no cleric, he is a bloody terrorist.”

In regards to the failed coup attempt, which Fetullah Gulen took lead in orchestrating, the prime minister said that “FETO’s main goal was to infiltrate the Turkish state and put it under his [Gulen’s] control.”

He warned Muslims living in the US to “stay away from schools and cultural centers affiliated with FETO.”

While the Gulenist criminal cult will maintain its position on the prime minister’s agenda, as Turkey will renew its request for the extradition of the organization’s leader, Binali Yildirim also informed attendees of the fight Turkey is giving back home.

Since the July 15 coup attempt, the Turkish government has continued to “decipher the secret structures of this bloody terrorist organization within the bounds of law,” the prime minister said.

He stressed that the members of this organization “should pay the price for every single act of evil they did to Turkey.”

“Citizens in our country know about the misinformation games played by FETO terrorists. I also know that our citizens living abroad aren’t fooled by these games either,” he added.

US support fight against PKK

While the prime minister has terrorism on his agenda, Secretary of State Jim Mattis met with his Turkish counterpart, Nurettin Canikli at the NATO meeting of defense ministers in Brussels.

Pentagon chief spokesperson Dana W. White said in a statement that the two ministers met in order to “reaffirm the longstanding defense relationship between the United States and its NATO ally, Turkey.”

Recalling a previous meeting between the two ministers on August 23 in Ankara, White stated that “the secretary thanked the minister for Turkey’s continued, critical contributions to global security and the fight to defeat ISIS [Daesh].”

White also added that “Secretary Mattis acknowledged the threats posed to Turkey, and reiterated that the US will continue to stand with Turkey in its fight against the PKK and all terrorist therats.”

Mattis and Canikli also agreed to continue with their full range bilateral defense activities and consultations, and agreed to look for further ways to strengthen defense cooperation.

While the PKK is recognized as a terrorist organization by the US, Turkey and the European Union, the US administration denies the organic links between the YPG/PYD and PKK – which Turkey recognizes as a terrorist organization.

On Tuesday Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirm urged the United States judiciary to immediately extradite Fetullah Gulen, the U.S.-based criminal cult leader, whose clandestine organization (FETO) attempted a military coup in Turkey last year.

Speaking to the reporters at Ankara’s Esenboga Airport before embarking on the US visit, Yildirim said there were piles of files, enough to prepare for FETO leader’s extradition. “The judiciary in the U.S. should take immediate legal action and do what’s necessary,” he said.

250 people were killed and nearly 2,200 others injured while resisting the July 15 coup attempt in Turkey in 2016.

The visit of Turkish Prime Minister to the U.S. comes against the backdrop of the visa crisis between the two countries that was set off after Turkish staff at the U.S. mission were arrested two months ago for their ties with FETO. While the visa services were though partially restored on Monday, the PM’s visit is expected to further improve the relationship between the two NATO allies.

However, Yildirim promptly dismissed the statement made by the U.S. Embassy about “high-level assurances” from Turkey and that the country will give advance notice of any detentions or arrests of local staff members in the future.

Yildirim called for the respect for Turkey’s principles of law on the part of U.S., citing the example of the arrest of two bodyguards of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on his visit to the U.S.. “The legal process is underway in line with the principles of the state of law in both countries. Therefore, negotiations demanding mutual assurances are not needed,” said Yildirim.

The agenda of the visit where Yildirim is expected to meet U.S. Vice President Mike Pence to discuss a range of issues which include Syria, Iraq, FETO, PYD, YPG, and refugees.

1,837 FETO suspects appear in court

Meanwhile, at home in Turkey the trials of 1,837 FETO coup suspects began on Monday in the Sincan Criminal Courthouse complex, which hosted six separate trials. The trials include FETO’s involvement in the Turkish General Staff, Akinci Airbase, Gendarmerie Schools Command, and Turkish Military Academy as well as the Polatli 58th Artillery Brigade, Artillery, and Missile School Command.

Appearing in court were 221 suspects in the General Staff case, 486 suspects in the Akinci Airbase case, and 239 suspects in the Military Academy case. Also, the trial of 330 suspects from the 58th Artillery Brigade along with the Artillery and Missile School Command in the capital Ankara’s Polatli district is also continuing.

In two separate criminal courts in Sincan, 317 suspects and another 244 suspects in the Gendarmerie Schools Command Case appeared before a judge.

In the Akinci Airbase case, former Brig. Gen. Gokhan Sahin Sonmezates, accused of attempting to assassinate Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan during the defeated coup, made his plea.

During his hearing, Sonmezates refused to answer any questions from the judge or prosecutors.

Tensions in the court room later rose as some of the complainants and suspects were evicted from the courtroom.

The court decided to reconvene for the Turkish General Staff main coup-plotters case on Tuesday morning. The hearing of the Gendarmerie Schools Command case ended after the identification of 244 suspects, and the chief judge decided to reconvene on Tuesday.

Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim is scheduled to visit the United States on Tuesday. According to sources, the Prime Minister will be meeting US Vice-President Mike Pence.

Many items are on agenda – the most important of which are to resolve the visa dispute between Turkey and the US and the extradition of Fetullah Gulen, the criminal cult leader behind last year’s failed coup attempt.

Yildirim will be accompanied by Vice-President of Turkey Mehmet Simsek, Foreign Affairs Minister, Mevlut Cavusoglu and Energy and Natural Resources Minister, Berat Albayrak.

During the visit, which will last from 7 to 11 November, parties will discuss a range of issues which include politics, economy and other national and regional security related issues such as Syria, Iraq, FETO, PYD, YPG, and refugees.

The Prime Minister is also scheduled to meet Turkish Diaspora representatives, Muslim and Jewish community representatives, businessmen and investors.

According to a police source, at least 39 suspects linked to the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO) were arrested during nationwide counter-terror operations on Wednesday.

After the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office in Istanbul issued arrest warrants for 111 suspects, operations were carried out in 17 provinces, including capital Ankara and western Izmir province.

The operations were conducted as part of a probe into managers, members and employees of the Journalists and Writers Foundation, also known as the JWF, whose honorary President was FETO leader Fetullah Gulen.

Across Turkey, courts have so far handed life sentences to 140 suspects linked to FETO – the group behind last year’s defeated coup attempt.

The accused include former soldiers, naval officers and civilians. The crimes range from ordering civilians not to resist the coup and to attacking the telecommunication building in trying to cut the signal feed of Turkish satellite operator TURKSAT during the July 15, 2016 defeated coup.

In eastern Bitlis province on June 9, the 2nd High Criminal Court gave three aggravated life sentences to each of the four suspects, including former Brig. Gen. Arif Settar Afsar — the so-called “martial law commander” of FETO.

In the first-ever hearing in the eastern Erzurum province on January 5, the 2nd Criminal Court gave two ex-army officers, Colonel Murat Kocak and Major Murat Yilmaz aggravated life sentences.

Turkey’s most insidious criminal cult

Meanwhile, Fatma Benli, the deputy chair of the Turkish Parliament’s Human Rights Committee branded FETO as “the most insidious terror group in history.”

“FETO is the kind of organization which can bomb the Parliament with lawmakers in it, all the while making itself look like a relief and education organization in the world,” Benli said, referring to the attack on the Parliament during the coup attempt.

A deputy of the AK Party for Istanbul, Benli underlined that during the coup attempt, FETO terrorists “ran over 15-16-year-old teens with tanks.”

More, she stated that FETO was dangerous enough to murder the Russian Ambassador to Turkey, Andrey Karlov, who was assassinated at an art exhibition in Ankara on December 19, 2016.

“Turkey is not just protecting itself while fighting FETO. It is also contributing to regional and the global peace,” Benli said. “Turkey’s fight against PKK, Daesh and FETO makes a positive contribution to other countries, especially Europe.” However, some European countries continue to protect suspected criminal cult members.

The Turkish government is continuing with its fight against terrorist organizations that operate in Turkey and within the wider Middle East.

Following the failed coup attempt last year, the AK Party administration has maintained its determination to fight against the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO).

The terrorist organization has not only infiltrated Turkish state institutions, but also has wings abroad, predominantly in Africa and countries like Germany. Overseas actors have been of great finance facilitators.

While hundreds have been suspended from their governmental positions, police sources confirmed on Monday that at least 58 soldiers of the Turkish Armed Forces have been arrested in counter-terrorism operations across Turkey, for alleged links to FETO.

The arrests came following warrants that were issued last Thursday by the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office in central Konya. Konya police had ordered the launch of operations in 31 provinces.

Daesh

Apart from FETO, the fight against Daesh within and outside Turkey’s borders also continues.

Security officials confirmed that Turkish police have arrested at least 61 Daesh-linked terror suspects in eastern Erzurum and northwestern Bursa provinces on Sunday.

According to Anadolu Agency, in Erzurum, 22 suspects, including senior members of Daesh, were arrested as part of the investigation conducted by the Erzurum Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office against the terrorist group.

It has also been reported that teams from the police counter-terrorism branch carried out operations against members reportedly linked to Daesh in central Yakutiye, Palandoken and Azizye districts.

The police seized several weapons including two unlicensed guns, two unlicensed hunting rifles, digital data and organizational documents.

In addition to Erzurum, 39 suspects were also arrested during operations carried out in Bursa.

Suspects included two Azerbaijani and 28 Syrians, while eight of them have been reported to be “under age.”

Over 319 people have lost their lives in Daesh attacks in Turkey, where the terrorist organization has targeted civilians in suicide bombs, rocket and gun attacks.

PKK

According to a statement issued by the Interior Ministry on Monday, Turkish security forces killed, captured or detained 44 PKK terrorists last week in nationwide operations.

The statement also informed that security forces launched almost 1,260 operations against terrorist organizations between October 23 and October 30.

Nineteen PKK terrorists were killed, 12 others were captured and 13 more surrendered to the security forces.

The PKK, which is listed as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the U.S. and the European Union, resumed its armed campaign against Turkey in July 2015.

Since then, it has been responsible for the deaths of more than 1,200 Turkish security personnel and civilians, including a number of women and children.

Following the July 15 coup attempt, which left 250 people martyred and nearly 2,200 injured, the Turkish government has been trying to tackle the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), which has infiltrated state institutions, including the army and various ministries.

While the fight against the criminal cult members has been ongoing within Turkey, FETO is well known to have wings overseas. Mainly, the leader of the organization, Fetullah Gulen, is still residing in the US.

Following the coup attempt, while on many occasions Ankara requested for the extradition of Gulen, Washington refused on the basis of lack of evidence. Meanwhile, however, Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gul has confirmed that all procedures for extradition have been completed.

Minister Gul said: “For both parties, all conditions have been fulfilled for an extradition. We now wait for the extradition.” Earlier last week the Minister had also emphasized that Washington was bound by law to extradite the terrorist.

According to the extradition treaty, which was signed in 1979 and came to force in 1981, both countries are obliged to extradite an offender which “covers offenses in both countries that are punishable by more than a year in prison.”

The treaty adds that the countries “undertake to surrender to each other… all persons who are found within the territory of the requested party and who are being prosecuted for or have been charged with an offense.”

In response to a question on whether Gulen’s Turkish citizenship would be revoked, Abdulhamit Gul said it could be possible “through a demand from the Interior Ministry and by a cabinet decision.”

Following the failed coup attempt in Turkey last year, which left 250 people died, the Turkish government’s crackdown on members of the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO) has continued.

While the domestic fight against this terrorist organization has included the closure of FETO schools and withdrawing affiliated members from state institutions, the fight against FETO’s international branch has faced barriers from the US, which is home to the leader of the organization.

Speaking to Anadolu Agency, Turkish Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gül stated that the U.S. is obliged to extradite Fetullah Gülen to Turkey in line with a 1979 agreement between Washington and Ankara.

Gül mentioned that the treaty made a “probable cause” a sufficient reason to extradite a suspect.

While the U.S. has so far declined to hand over Gülen on the basis that Turkey has not provided sufficient evidence, Minister Gül said that there have been “five separate requisitions from the court and we have sent almost 100 folders of evidence, testimonies and confessions to the U.S.”

The extradition treaty between Turkey and the US, which was signed in 1978 and came into force two years later, covers offenses in both countries that are punishable by more than a year in prison. This includes “any offense committed or attempted against a head of state or head of a government.”

The treaty also adds that the countries “undertake to surrender to each other… all persons who are found within the territory or the requested party and who are being prosecuted for or have been charged with an offense.”

FETO in Africa

In addition to activities in Turkey, the terrorist organization is also well-known to be active in Africa.

During the Turkey-Africa Education Ministries Conference, held at Istanbul’s Ciragan Palace, Ismet Yilmaz called for the closure of FETO schools in Africa.

While highlighting the deep roots between Turkey and the African continent, Minister Yilmaz said: “We expect our brother African countries to cooperate more with Turkey to wage a better fight” against FETO schools.

These schools he continued, “are schools linked to this terrorist organization [FETO] in Africa. These schools are providing financial support to the organization.”

In contribution to its fight against the international wing of FETO, the Turkish administration established the Maarif Foundation, which was designed in order to take over the administration of overseas schools linked to FETO.

Nineteen African countries have already handed over FETO schools to Maarif or have closed them at Ankara’s request.

More, during a joint press conference with visiting Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari, at the presidential complex in Ankara, President Erdogan stated: “I would like to express that there is no difference between FETO, Daesh and Boko Haram. No matter what they serve or claim or their name – all of them are gangs of murderers who feed on the blood of innocents.”

Commenting on the terror faced in Nigeria by Boko Haram, the President emphasized that “We stand by our Nigerian friends on their fight against terrorism.”

Erdogan also urged Nigeria to take steps on shutting FETO-run schools in the country and to coordinate with Turkey to combat the terrorist group.

Earlier last week the government had announced that they have completed all necessary and requested documents for the extradition of the criminal cult leader Fetullah Gulen from the U.S.

On Friday Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gul stated that there “is no obstacle left formally for his [Gulen’s] extradition.”

While Turkey’s fight against FETO, a terrorist organization which orchestrated the failed coup attempt last year, continues, an employee of the U.S. Embassy in Turkey had also been charged with espionage and seeking to overthrow the Turkish government.

While not mentioning any of the above developments in its statement, the U.S. Embassy in Ankara announced that it has suspended processing non-immigrant visa applications.

A statement issued by the Embassy claimed that recent events have forced the U.S. government to reassess the commitment of the Turkish government to the security of U.S. facilities and personnel.

The statement read: “In order to minimize the number of visitors to our Embassy and Consulates while this assessment proceeds, effective immediately we have suspended all non-immigrant visa services at all U.S. diplomatic facilities in Turkey.”

Non-immigrant visas are issued to those travelling to the U.S. for tourism, medical treatment, business, temporary work or study.

Turkish Embassy in U.S. retaliates

Following the announcement of the U.S. Embassy in Ankara, the Turkish Embassy in the U.S. announced yesterday that processing non-immigrant visa applications have been suspended.

The statement released by the Mission read: “Recent events have forced the Turkish Government to reassess the commitment of the Government of the United States to the security of Turkish Mission facilities and personnel.”

“In order to minimize the number of visitors to our Embassy and Consulates while this assessment proceeds, effective immediately we have suspended all non-immigrant visa service at all Turkish diplomatic facilities in the U.S.”

“This measure will apply to visas and passports as well as e-Visas acquired at the border,” the statement read.